Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
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Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi is heading to the United States next month to try to save his oil-rich country from “bankruptcy,” while US envoy Tom Barrack is pressing Baghdad to prove it is “doing what is needed” to disarm armed factions before it receives long-awaited help from Washington or its regional allies, reliable sources and Iraqi officials said.

Barrack visited Baghdad on Monday and Tuesday.

The sources said al-Zaidi, backed by the Coordination Framework, an alliance of powerful Shiite parties, hopes US President Donald Trump will help when the two meet in Washington in mid-July, especially by securing loans from the United States that “Gulf states may contribute to,” according to two officials in the Shiite alliance.

Iraqi sources said dozens of Iraqi businessmen will accompany al-Zaidi to Washington, hoping to “revive the nearly empty state treasury.”

But those expectations hinge on more than disarming the factions. The sources said al-Zaidi must also dismantle their economic lifelines, keep their members out of government and cut the channels Tehran uses to reach Baghdad’s revenue-generating institutions, citing the substance of Barrack’s meetings in Baghdad and Erbil.

Since Iraq’s parliament approved Ali al-Zaidi’s government, the prime minister has tried to reposition himself between Iranian influence, which appears to be receding in Baghdad, and mounting US pressure to rein in armed factions and curb their power. Over time, his young government has shown a tactical tilt toward Washington.

‘A success story’

Barrack’s efforts in Baghdad now point to a quiet struggle between Iran and its allies, who are trying to preserve a grey zone without major concessions, and the Americans, who want to separate the Iraq file from negotiations over the nuclear issue and the Strait of Hormuz, in anticipation of gaps in a memorandum of understanding that provides for a 60-day truce before a final agreement.

Barrack and al-Zaidi agreed on Tuesday on “the complete disarmament and dissolution of all armed groups and formations operating outside the authority of the state,” according to a joint Iraqi-US statement.

Reliable sources said US officials are trying to extract as many gains as possible in Baghdad at Iran’s expense, fearing Tehran could secure enough resources and time to rebuild its influence in the region.

The sources said, “The US president wants Iraq’s new government to become a ‘success story’.” But US intelligence circles focused on Iraq are “very cautious about reaching that assessment at the present time,” they added.

Barrack’s visit, his first since his mandate was renewed as US envoy to Baghdad and Damascus, came about two weeks after the Iraqi government launched what it called a “weapons control plan.”

It also came at the height of a financial crisis that an Iraqi official described to Asharq Al-Awsat as “suffocating.” In three months, and “in the best-case scenario,” the government could find itself unable to meet “domestic obligations,” the official said.

The financial crisis is believed to have turned Coordination Framework leaders into pragmatic politicians, pushing them, in record time, into a publicity campaign stressing their desire to bring weapons under state control.

Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Hikma Movement and one of the Coordination Framework’s leaders, said at a recent public seminar in Baghdad that the Shiite alliance would have moved ahead with the weapons-control plan even if the war with Iran had not occurred, describing it as an “internal” need.

Observers are skeptical of the weapons-control process, particularly given the absence of an Iranian reaction to a plan initiated by allied factions and later sponsored and organized by the government.

Since early June, official circles in Tehran have not commented on the integration of members of their Iraqi allies into government institutions, while insisting on including Hezbollah and its weapons in the negotiation items.

It was notable that Iran’s ambassador to Baghdad, Mohammad Kazem Al-e Sadeq, visited the prime minister about two hours after his meeting with US envoy Tom Barrack, who was then on his way to Erbil to meet Kurdish officials.

A ‘down payment’ on weapons control

Pragmatism hangs over Baghdad’s decision-making rooms.

A member of the Coordination Framework told Asharq Al-Awsat that “many inside the alliance have become more realistic in responding to the weapons control plan.”

“Some see it as a ‘down payment’ to win the confidence of regional and international players who were close to deciding to isolate Iraq,” he said.

The member, who asked not to be named, said: “Some alliance leaders shared concerns during recent meetings about a new security and political approach being adopted in the Arab region that could classify Iraq, at best, as an unfriendly state.”

But an Iraqi official said the plan, which has so far covered three armed factions, is meant to repair damage to Iraq’s relationship with Arab and Gulf states, despite doubts over how it will be carried out.

Asharq Al-Awsat learned that a US official told two Coordination Framework leaders in early June that Washington believes the announced plan needs more clarity, given the absence of transparent mechanisms to verify that armed factions will not be able to access their weapons.

Still, reliable sources said the US official described the current process as a “promising step” that was out of reach only years ago. Washington, the official said, understands that Baghdad cannot take revolutionary or shocking steps toward disarmament. But the US assessment of the process will depend on whether concerns are removed that it is “merely a cosmetic exercise.”

So far, Saraya al-Salam, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali have joined the plan by declaring their separation from the Popular Mobilization Forces. Despite the absence of a technical mechanism to handle the groups’ weapons, figures close to the government say Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has become “responsible for the movements of the armed members and their weapons,” and that “the remaining details are not essential.”

‘More forceful’

Barrack arrived in Baghdad to push al-Zaidi forward. Two Iraqi officials told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington wants the government in Baghdad to be “more forceful and clear in disarming the factions.”

A second official, who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to speak publicly, said Barrack’s meetings with officials in Baghdad showed that the United States “encourages serious steps to dissolve economic offices and prevent Iran from benefiting from Iraqi resources.”

The term “economic offices” has been common for years in Iraqi circles. It refers to financial and commercial structures that include official employees and manage the interests of armed factions while increasing their resources.

Barrack’s mission in Baghdad looks like a “minesweeper” operation before US companies enter Iraq to invest in the oil, telecommunications, and transport sectors, which over the past 10 years have become fertile ground for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, according to a former government official.

Asharq Al-Awsat understood from Western diplomats and an Iraqi official that Barrack is acting in Baghdad as “the man who can qualify Ali al-Zaidi as a successful and acceptable partner in the region,” but “not while he is lenient with the power and influence of the factions.”

One diplomat said, “The US president supports Barrack’s approach in Baghdad, but wants quick results that take into account the timing of negotiations with the Iranians.”

An Iraqi official said, “The atmosphere inside the Coordination Framework is receiving multiple signals that Tom Barrack is trying to engineer an approach that brings Baghdad together with Damascus rather than Tehran, and many Shiite forces are uncomfortable with this path.”

Bankruptcy and anger

Whatever Barrack’s approach may be, Washington wants to accelerate change in Baghdad because Iraq needs money.

Two sources said leaders of the Shiite alliance met in early June in the presence of the prime minister and voiced fears of “bankruptcy and the possibility of public anger exploding.”

One Coordination Framework leader told the prime minister: “Based on the data in your hands, we may find ourselves after three months unable to pay salaries, or to meet other domestic obligations.”

“In this case, there are no guarantees that we will be able to confront public anger if we do not find a solution,” he said.

Iraqi journalists said Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi told them during an open meeting with the press last week that Iraq’s treasury had received 1 trillion dinars, about $1 billion, while he needed to secure about 10 trillion dinars to pay public sector salaries, along with “other expenses.”

According to unofficial estimates, Iraq has lost about $250 million a day due to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has halted more than 90% of oil exports through southern ports.

The two sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that “most alliance leaders approved a plan presented by the prime minister that includes a package of political, security and economic reforms to address the crisis.”

But one source said, “The Iraqi government is seeking financial loans from Western and Gulf donors, even though the repercussions of the war with Iran are casting a heavy shadow over relations between Baghdad and those who may wish to help it.”

A ‘reward’ for weapons control

Another dilemma is emerging, one that could weaken the political alliance giving al-Zaidi his strength. The alliance now faces layered pressure as factions join the weapons-control initiative in hopes of securing government posts.

These factions see the new posts as a “deserved reward,” members of the groups say. But they also believe the posts do not match the heavy price they paid by giving up their weapons before their own supporters.

The groups are expected to react in a way that would be “uncomfortable for al-Zaidi” if the United States insists on blocking people listed as terrorists from joining the new government, according to the members.

Sources said the Coordination Framework told al-Zaidi he must fill vacant ministerial portfolios before traveling to Washington and meeting Trump. But a leader in the Shiite alliance quoted Barrack’s recent meetings as saying that “completing the government with individuals belonging to the factions will not make al-Zaidi feel comfortable when he sits in the chair next to the president at the White House.”

Al-Zaidi’s media office did not respond to requests for comment on whether the issue of armed factions’ weapons, or the participation of their representatives in the government, would be among the topics discussed at the White House next month.

Still, Iraq’s prime minister will try to persuade the US president to mobilize a donor coalition that includes Gulf states to secure loans, through contributions in exchange for investments Baghdad is working to make available to regional and US companies, Iraqi officials said.

 

 

 



Iraq Fears Return of ‘Shadow Factions’ to Regional ‘Unity of Fronts’ Campaign

Members of Harakat al-Nujaba movement attend a gathering in Baghdad on Oct. 8, 2023 (AFP)
Members of Harakat al-Nujaba movement attend a gathering in Baghdad on Oct. 8, 2023 (AFP)
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Iraq Fears Return of ‘Shadow Factions’ to Regional ‘Unity of Fronts’ Campaign

Members of Harakat al-Nujaba movement attend a gathering in Baghdad on Oct. 8, 2023 (AFP)
Members of Harakat al-Nujaba movement attend a gathering in Baghdad on Oct. 8, 2023 (AFP)

Fears are mounting in Iraq that armed factions’ refusal to surrender their weapons may be an attempt to buy time ahead of a possible resumption of the war with Iran and the revival of the so-called “Axis of Resistance,” as Baghdad faces growing security and political pressure to prevent attacks on regional targets from Iraqi soil.

Political sources close to the Coordination Framework, an alliance of Iraq’s main Shiite political forces, said negotiations to bring all weapons under state control had made no tangible progress, with several factions yet to hand over the rockets and drones in their possession.

However, the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that some alliance leaders considered it unlikely that the factions would attack countries in the region in support of Iran if the war resumed, given the potential repercussions for Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government, which could face mounting regional and international pressure.

Nujaba Reaffirms Refusal to Surrender Weapons

Those assessments have failed to ease fears that smaller armed groups could resume attacks that would be difficult to attribute directly to major factions, amid rising regional tensions and continuing divisions in Iraq over weapons outside state control.

Underscoring resistance to any change in the factions’ military status, Abdul Qadir al-Karbalai, military deputy of the Harakat al-Nujaba movement, said Wednesday that the group would not participate in the political process and that its position remained unchanged.

In a statement, al-Karbalai rejected the terms “placing weapons under state control,” “handing over weapons” and “disarmament” in reference to what the group calls resistance weapons.

His remarks pose an additional challenge to the government’s efforts to bring weapons under state control, with concerns extending beyond the political standoff between Baghdad and the factions to the possibility of renewed attacks on regional targets from Iraqi territory.

‘Shadow Factions’

Iraqi newspaper Al-Mada, citing informed sources, reported that the closure of the al-Sheeb border crossing with Iran in Maysan province was not solely related to the technical reasons cited by the government.

The move also came amid security fears of a return by so-called “shadow factions,” small groups of five to 10 members suspected of being used to carry out attacks that would be difficult to trace to those responsible.

Security agencies have stepped up surveillance of suspected attack sites over the past two weeks, the newspaper’s sources said, after attacks targeting Saudi Arabia reportedly shifted from areas in the Najaf desert in July to locations near the al-Sheeb crossing in September.

The developments suggest that armed groups may be changing tactics, avoiding heavily monitored sites and seeking new areas from which to operate.

The assessments and the identities of those behind the reported attacks could not be independently verified.

The Iraqi government has maintained that the crossing’s closure is temporary and intended to improve operational efficiency.

Government spokesman Haider al-Aboudi denied any political motive, describing the closure as “a purely administrative measure that requires no political interpretation.”

Meanwhile, Prime Ministerial adviser Abdul Amir Taiban accused the Iranian side of “serious violations” of Iraqi sovereignty, creating chaos along the shared border and deliberately undermining Iraq’s economy through the smuggling of counterfeit currency and drugs.

Mounting US Pressure

The closure comes as Washington steps up pressure on Baghdad over cross-border trade with Iran.

AFP quoted an Iraqi source Wednesday confirming the closure, while an Iranian official said border crossings with Iraq remained open to travelers, although truck traffic was experiencing delays.

Two political sources said Washington was pressing Baghdad to close additional crossings with Iran. One said the US Treasury Department had raised the issue with al-Zaidi during his visit to New York last month.

Security concerns also extend beyond Iraq’s land borders.

A security source in Basra province said Wednesday that a drone fell into the sea about 200 meters from an oil tanker identified as the Corden Eikel, after its crew alerted Iraqi naval forces to the presence of two drones.

One crashed into the water, while the other disappeared from sight, the source said.

Meanwhile, Baghdad is pursuing diplomatic contacts with regional countries in an effort to contain the escalation.

Iraq’s Foreign Ministry said Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein and his Emirati counterpart, Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, discussed by phone ways to create conditions conducive to peaceful understandings that could ease regional tensions and strengthen security and stability.


Yemen’s Houthis Blow Up Roads, Loot Homes in Rural Taiz

A cargo truck overturns on a road between Lahj and Taiz after the Houthis blocked the main route (X)
A cargo truck overturns on a road between Lahj and Taiz after the Houthis blocked the main route (X)
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Yemen’s Houthis Blow Up Roads, Loot Homes in Rural Taiz

A cargo truck overturns on a road between Lahj and Taiz after the Houthis blocked the main route (X)
A cargo truck overturns on a road between Lahj and Taiz after the Houthis blocked the main route (X)

Houthi militias are tightening their grip on rural communities in southwestern Yemen, blowing up roads, erecting military barricades and digging trenches as abductions, home raids and attacks on drinking water sources disrupt daily life and raise fears of fresh displacement.

The crackdown is concentrated in the districts of Al-Shamayatayn and Al-Mawasit in Taiz province and neighboring Al-Maqatirah in Lahj, a vast, densely populated area of strategic importance.

The measures contrast sharply with the Houthis' efforts to restore normal life, win public acceptance of their rule and recruit supporters and fighters through various incentives.

The Yemeni army's Tur al-Baha military command said last Saturday that eight of its soldiers had been killed in Houthi shelling in Al-Maqatirah, without providing further details.

Local sources said Houthi fighters in Al-Shamayatayn had fired an artillery shell at soldiers gathered at a military facility.

Residents of Al-Maqatirah told Asharq Al-Awsat that Houthi gunmen had destroyed sections of roads connecting their villages to Al-Shamayatayn and the city of Al-Turbah.

Last Sunday, the Houthis blew up several culverts along the Hayjat al-Abd road, cutting off the main route linking Taiz to Lahj and Aden and forcing travelers and truck drivers onto the Al-Suha-Karbah road.

Five trucks carrying goods and essential supplies overturned on the alternative route on Tuesday, blocking traffic for hours and damaging large quantities of merchandise. The disruption came as areas under Houthi control faced severe food shortages.

The Yemeni government had improved the Al-Suha-Karbah road as an alternative to Hayjat al-Abd, which has repeatedly closed because of Houthi attacks and flooding. But its rugged terrain and narrow stretches make it unsuitable as a permanent replacement.

The Houthis resort to blowing up roads to impose collective punishment on the residents of Taiz and Lahj (X)

Villages cut off

The Houthis also blew up culverts along Naqil Musayr, a road connecting villages in western Al-Maqatirah to Al-Turbah, the administrative center of Al-Shamayatayn.

Residents must now walk to the city to shop and run errands. Vehicles can reach it only via the rugged Karbah road, a journey of at least three hours.

The group also blew up part of Naqil al-Khazrah, a stone stairway linking Al-Sharaf village and the Al-Jahili area in Al-Shamayatayn to villages in eastern Al-Maqatirah, forcing residents to take lengthy detours.

In Yemen, a naqil is a winding mountain route connecting higher elevations to foothills and valleys. Residents often build long stone stairways along these routes to make travel easier.

The blasts sent huge boulders crashing onto agricultural terraces, damaging farmland and nearby homes.

Residents of both districts told Asharq Al-Awsat that Houthi fighters had erected barricades and military outposts, dug trenches along roads connecting the districts and positioned weapons toward Al-Maqatirah.

The military buildup has left residents fearing they could be targeted on any pretext.

The Houthis have advanced only a few kilometers into Al-Maqatirah along the Hayjat al-Abd road, securing control of the route and blowing up its culverts. They also control the district's eastern areas.

Observers say the group appears satisfied, for now, with its hold over the high ground in Al-Shamayatayn overlooking Al-Maqatirah. Those positions put the district within range of Houthi fire and allow the group to monitor nearby military movements.

The Houthis blew up several rural roads after residents spent many years building them (Facebook)

Abductions and home raids

The Houthis abducted about 20 people in Qadas, in Al-Mawasit district, after a vehicle belonging to the group's so-called "Preaching Committee" caught fire.

The committee works to persuade residents to embrace the Houthis' ideology and sectarian views.

The group accused residents of Al-Mukayshah village of setting the vehicle ablaze and launched a manhunt, tightening security across the area.

Dozens of gunmen were deployed and new checkpoints set up, where passersby were forced to open their phones for inspection and explain why they were traveling.

In Al-Alqamah, west of Al-Shamayatayn, Houthi fighters also looted homes abandoned by residents who had fled fighting following the group's advance from Al-Wazi'iyah district.

Residents said the fighters broke down doors and entered the homes, claiming to be searching for weapons and accusing their owners of collaborating with the Yemeni army and the Saudi-led coalition supporting Yemen's internationally recognized government.

But the raids went beyond searches. Fighters seized household belongings and loaded them onto vehicles before taking them out of the area.

The escalating restrictions, raids and abductions have heightened fears across rural Taiz that hundreds more residents could be forced to flee their homes for Lahj and Aden.


Israeli Fire Kills Three People in Gaza

Palestinians gather around a burning a vehicle after it was hit by an Israeli strike, according to health officials, in Gaza City, October 22, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
Palestinians gather around a burning a vehicle after it was hit by an Israeli strike, according to health officials, in Gaza City, October 22, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
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Israeli Fire Kills Three People in Gaza

Palestinians gather around a burning a vehicle after it was hit by an Israeli strike, according to health officials, in Gaza City, October 22, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
Palestinians gather around a burning a vehicle after it was hit by an Israeli strike, according to health officials, in Gaza City, October 22, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas

Israeli fire killed one person in a car in Gaza City and at least two others in other parts of the enclave on Thursday, health officials there said.

A crowd gathered around the burning wreckage in Gaza City's Tel Al-Hawa neighbourhood as orange-vested emergency workers sprayed it with water, photos from the scene showed, Reuters reported.

Another strike killed a Palestinian man on a bike in the southern city of Khan Younis, and gunfire killed a woman near the Jabalia refugee camp, in the north, the medics added.

The Israeli military said they had struck a Hamas militant in Khan Younis, without giving further details. The military added they were still checking reports of the strikes in Jabalia and Gaza City's Tel Al-Hawa suburb.

Israel, which says the Hamas militant group has been rearming and launching attacks in violation of a year-old ceasefire, has stepped up strikes on the group in recent weeks.

Hamas has denied trying to carry out attacks or rebuild its arsenal and accuses Israel of undermining the Gaza peace deal.

Last year's US-brokered ceasefire calls for eventual reconstruction of the territory. But little progress has been made as negotiators have failed to agree terms for Hamas to disarm and Israel to withdraw its troops.

Israeli airstrikes have continued. At least 1,500 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza since the ceasefire, according to the territory's health officials, while Israel says four soldiers have been killed.

Palestinian authorities say more than 74,000 people have been killed in Israel's assault on Gaza, launched after Hamas-led fighters killed about 1,200 people in southern Israel on October 7, 2023.