Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
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Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi is heading to the United States next month to try to save his oil-rich country from “bankruptcy,” while US envoy Tom Barrack is pressing Baghdad to prove it is “doing what is needed” to disarm armed factions before it receives long-awaited help from Washington or its regional allies, reliable sources and Iraqi officials said.

Barrack visited Baghdad on Monday and Tuesday.

The sources said al-Zaidi, backed by the Coordination Framework, an alliance of powerful Shiite parties, hopes US President Donald Trump will help when the two meet in Washington in mid-July, especially by securing loans from the United States that “Gulf states may contribute to,” according to two officials in the Shiite alliance.

Iraqi sources said dozens of Iraqi businessmen will accompany al-Zaidi to Washington, hoping to “revive the nearly empty state treasury.”

But those expectations hinge on more than disarming the factions. The sources said al-Zaidi must also dismantle their economic lifelines, keep their members out of government and cut the channels Tehran uses to reach Baghdad’s revenue-generating institutions, citing the substance of Barrack’s meetings in Baghdad and Erbil.

Since Iraq’s parliament approved Ali al-Zaidi’s government, the prime minister has tried to reposition himself between Iranian influence, which appears to be receding in Baghdad, and mounting US pressure to rein in armed factions and curb their power. Over time, his young government has shown a tactical tilt toward Washington.

‘A success story’

Barrack’s efforts in Baghdad now point to a quiet struggle between Iran and its allies, who are trying to preserve a grey zone without major concessions, and the Americans, who want to separate the Iraq file from negotiations over the nuclear issue and the Strait of Hormuz, in anticipation of gaps in a memorandum of understanding that provides for a 60-day truce before a final agreement.

Barrack and al-Zaidi agreed on Tuesday on “the complete disarmament and dissolution of all armed groups and formations operating outside the authority of the state,” according to a joint Iraqi-US statement.

Reliable sources said US officials are trying to extract as many gains as possible in Baghdad at Iran’s expense, fearing Tehran could secure enough resources and time to rebuild its influence in the region.

The sources said, “The US president wants Iraq’s new government to become a ‘success story’.” But US intelligence circles focused on Iraq are “very cautious about reaching that assessment at the present time,” they added.

Barrack’s visit, his first since his mandate was renewed as US envoy to Baghdad and Damascus, came about two weeks after the Iraqi government launched what it called a “weapons control plan.”

It also came at the height of a financial crisis that an Iraqi official described to Asharq Al-Awsat as “suffocating.” In three months, and “in the best-case scenario,” the government could find itself unable to meet “domestic obligations,” the official said.

The financial crisis is believed to have turned Coordination Framework leaders into pragmatic politicians, pushing them, in record time, into a publicity campaign stressing their desire to bring weapons under state control.

Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Hikma Movement and one of the Coordination Framework’s leaders, said at a recent public seminar in Baghdad that the Shiite alliance would have moved ahead with the weapons-control plan even if the war with Iran had not occurred, describing it as an “internal” need.

Observers are skeptical of the weapons-control process, particularly given the absence of an Iranian reaction to a plan initiated by allied factions and later sponsored and organized by the government.

Since early June, official circles in Tehran have not commented on the integration of members of their Iraqi allies into government institutions, while insisting on including Hezbollah and its weapons in the negotiation items.

It was notable that Iran’s ambassador to Baghdad, Mohammad Kazem Al-e Sadeq, visited the prime minister about two hours after his meeting with US envoy Tom Barrack, who was then on his way to Erbil to meet Kurdish officials.

A ‘down payment’ on weapons control

Pragmatism hangs over Baghdad’s decision-making rooms.

A member of the Coordination Framework told Asharq Al-Awsat that “many inside the alliance have become more realistic in responding to the weapons control plan.”

“Some see it as a ‘down payment’ to win the confidence of regional and international players who were close to deciding to isolate Iraq,” he said.

The member, who asked not to be named, said: “Some alliance leaders shared concerns during recent meetings about a new security and political approach being adopted in the Arab region that could classify Iraq, at best, as an unfriendly state.”

But an Iraqi official said the plan, which has so far covered three armed factions, is meant to repair damage to Iraq’s relationship with Arab and Gulf states, despite doubts over how it will be carried out.

Asharq Al-Awsat learned that a US official told two Coordination Framework leaders in early June that Washington believes the announced plan needs more clarity, given the absence of transparent mechanisms to verify that armed factions will not be able to access their weapons.

Still, reliable sources said the US official described the current process as a “promising step” that was out of reach only years ago. Washington, the official said, understands that Baghdad cannot take revolutionary or shocking steps toward disarmament. But the US assessment of the process will depend on whether concerns are removed that it is “merely a cosmetic exercise.”

So far, Saraya al-Salam, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali have joined the plan by declaring their separation from the Popular Mobilization Forces. Despite the absence of a technical mechanism to handle the groups’ weapons, figures close to the government say Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has become “responsible for the movements of the armed members and their weapons,” and that “the remaining details are not essential.”

‘More forceful’

Barrack arrived in Baghdad to push al-Zaidi forward. Two Iraqi officials told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington wants the government in Baghdad to be “more forceful and clear in disarming the factions.”

A second official, who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to speak publicly, said Barrack’s meetings with officials in Baghdad showed that the United States “encourages serious steps to dissolve economic offices and prevent Iran from benefiting from Iraqi resources.”

The term “economic offices” has been common for years in Iraqi circles. It refers to financial and commercial structures that include official employees and manage the interests of armed factions while increasing their resources.

Barrack’s mission in Baghdad looks like a “minesweeper” operation before US companies enter Iraq to invest in the oil, telecommunications, and transport sectors, which over the past 10 years have become fertile ground for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, according to a former government official.

Asharq Al-Awsat understood from Western diplomats and an Iraqi official that Barrack is acting in Baghdad as “the man who can qualify Ali al-Zaidi as a successful and acceptable partner in the region,” but “not while he is lenient with the power and influence of the factions.”

One diplomat said, “The US president supports Barrack’s approach in Baghdad, but wants quick results that take into account the timing of negotiations with the Iranians.”

An Iraqi official said, “The atmosphere inside the Coordination Framework is receiving multiple signals that Tom Barrack is trying to engineer an approach that brings Baghdad together with Damascus rather than Tehran, and many Shiite forces are uncomfortable with this path.”

Bankruptcy and anger

Whatever Barrack’s approach may be, Washington wants to accelerate change in Baghdad because Iraq needs money.

Two sources said leaders of the Shiite alliance met in early June in the presence of the prime minister and voiced fears of “bankruptcy and the possibility of public anger exploding.”

One Coordination Framework leader told the prime minister: “Based on the data in your hands, we may find ourselves after three months unable to pay salaries, or to meet other domestic obligations.”

“In this case, there are no guarantees that we will be able to confront public anger if we do not find a solution,” he said.

Iraqi journalists said Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi told them during an open meeting with the press last week that Iraq’s treasury had received 1 trillion dinars, about $1 billion, while he needed to secure about 10 trillion dinars to pay public sector salaries, along with “other expenses.”

According to unofficial estimates, Iraq has lost about $250 million a day due to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has halted more than 90% of oil exports through southern ports.

The two sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that “most alliance leaders approved a plan presented by the prime minister that includes a package of political, security and economic reforms to address the crisis.”

But one source said, “The Iraqi government is seeking financial loans from Western and Gulf donors, even though the repercussions of the war with Iran are casting a heavy shadow over relations between Baghdad and those who may wish to help it.”

A ‘reward’ for weapons control

Another dilemma is emerging, one that could weaken the political alliance giving al-Zaidi his strength. The alliance now faces layered pressure as factions join the weapons-control initiative in hopes of securing government posts.

These factions see the new posts as a “deserved reward,” members of the groups say. But they also believe the posts do not match the heavy price they paid by giving up their weapons before their own supporters.

The groups are expected to react in a way that would be “uncomfortable for al-Zaidi” if the United States insists on blocking people listed as terrorists from joining the new government, according to the members.

Sources said the Coordination Framework told al-Zaidi he must fill vacant ministerial portfolios before traveling to Washington and meeting Trump. But a leader in the Shiite alliance quoted Barrack’s recent meetings as saying that “completing the government with individuals belonging to the factions will not make al-Zaidi feel comfortable when he sits in the chair next to the president at the White House.”

Al-Zaidi’s media office did not respond to requests for comment on whether the issue of armed factions’ weapons, or the participation of their representatives in the government, would be among the topics discussed at the White House next month.

Still, Iraq’s prime minister will try to persuade the US president to mobilize a donor coalition that includes Gulf states to secure loans, through contributions in exchange for investments Baghdad is working to make available to regional and US companies, Iraqi officials said.

 

 

 



Saudi Arabia Strongly Condemns Drone Attack on East-West Pipeline by Drones Launched from Iraq

The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
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Saudi Arabia Strongly Condemns Drone Attack on East-West Pipeline by Drones Launched from Iraq

The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs expresses in the strongest terms the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s condemnation of the targeting of the East-West Pipeline in Riyadh and Madinah regions by several drones launched from Iraq, resulting in injuries and some damage that is currently being addressed, SPA reported.

In a statement, the ministry stated: “The Kingdom clarifies that, following a request from the prime minister of Iraq to give the brotherly Iraqi government the opportunity to take the necessary measures to prevent attacks launched from Iraqi territory against Saudi Arabia and neighboring countries, the Kingdom has opted not to respond at this stage and to support the efforts of the Iraqi government.”

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia further affirmed that it reserves the right to take all necessary measures to protect its sovereignty, security, facilities, citizens, and residents.


Houthi Casualties Strain Sanaa Hospitals’ Capacity

Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
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Houthi Casualties Strain Sanaa Hospitals’ Capacity

Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)

The fallout from the Houthis’ military escalation in Yemen is straining hospitals and endangering civilians in areas under the group’s control, while fueling rare criticism from within its own ranks.

Activists and former fighters accuse the group of exploiting poverty to recruit young men, trading on fighters’ blood and diverting resources to the war effort at the expense of civilian needs.

Medical sources in the Houthi-held capital Sanaa told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group’s Health Ministry had recently ordered several government hospitals to limit admissions of critically ill patients.

Intensive care units, emergency departments and other wards have instead been reserved for wounded Houthi fighters arriving from the front lines.

The measures cover Al-Thawra, Al-Jumhouri, Police, Military, Al-Quds, 48 and Kuwait hospitals — among the capital’s leading medical facilities. Their capacity to treat civilians has consequently shrunk, particularly for patients needing urgent care or intensive treatment.

The restrictions coincided with the arrival in Sanaa of large numbers of dead and wounded Houthi fighters following battles on several fronts across Yemen.

Health workers said hospitals were taking in growing numbers of casualties and setting aside beds, equipment and wards for those arriving from combat zones, including fighters requiring surgery or intensive care.

Hospitals under strain

The Houthis have tightened security around several medical facilities, barred media access and withheld information about the identities and conditions of casualties arriving from the front lines.

Health workers said the influx of wounded fighters had pushed hospitals closer to capacity, leaving less room for civilian patients.

Ahmed, whose relative needed treatment in Sanaa, said his family struggled to obtain the necessary care at Al-Jumhouri Hospital and was forced to look elsewhere because the facility lacked the resources to treat the patient.

He accused the Houthis of channeling available medical resources into the war effort, warning that civilians — particularly children, older people, chronically ill patients and emergency cases — faced growing risks.

The measures come as the health system in Houthi-held areas reels from years of war, dwindling funding and severe shortages of medicine, supplies and medical staff. Health facilities have also been damaged, forcing some to close.

The strain extends beyond Sanaa. The capital’s main hospitals routinely receive referrals from other provinces and regions, meaning their reduced capacity affects a far wider population under Houthi control.

Dissent from within

As the escalation weighs on the health sector, criticism is also mounting among figures and activists aligned with the Houthis.

Their complaints center on the war’s human cost, the treatment of fighters and the families of those killed or wounded, and recruitment practices that prey on economic hardship.

In the latest rebuke, activist and former Houthi fighter Abdullah Sharaf al-Mahdi attacked the group’s leaders and supervisors, accusing them of trading on fighters’ blood and sidelining bereaved and wounded families for personal gain.

Fighters and their families bear the cost of the war, al-Mahdi said, while officials and supervisors receive privileges including property and financial allocations. The conflict, he added, had become a vehicle for advancing the interests of factions within the group.

Al-Mahdi said he regretted the years he had spent fighting for the Houthis and would not support them again. His comments reflect a shift among some critics from opposing the group’s policies to questioning its motives for prolonging the war.

Criticism has also emerged from within Houthi-controlled institutions.

Abdu Bishr, a member of the Houthi-controlled parliament in Sanaa, accused the group of ignoring Yemenis’ suffering and pursuing what he called “futile” wars. He urged it to keep economic and humanitarian issues out of the conflict.

Bishr called for salaries to be paid, detainees released and airports reopened. He warned that what he described as “taking pleasure in bloodshed” would deepen the humanitarian catastrophe and urged the group to ease people’s suffering or “leave the scene.”

Houthi activist and writer Zaid al-Kibsi also criticized the group’s recruitment of young people and adolescents, saying it exploited poverty and worsening economic conditions to push more of them toward the front lines.

He accused the Houthis of using religious and sectarian rhetoric, along with slogans of “jihad and martyrdom,” to recruit young people as many families struggle to meet their basic needs.

Some recruits depend on the group’s modest payments to support their families while risking death or injury in combat, al-Kibsi said.

Many are young men who have had no chance to build their lives or start families, leaving their relatives to bear the consequences when they are killed or wounded.


Israeli Support for Ethiopia’s Maritime Access Bid Fuels Tensions With Egypt

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
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Israeli Support for Ethiopia’s Maritime Access Bid Fuels Tensions With Egypt

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)

Israeli support for landlocked Ethiopia’s bid for access to the Red Sea is fueling tensions with Egypt, which has repeatedly opposed Addis Ababa’s moves amid a separate dispute over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and its impact on Cairo’s Nile water share.

The Israeli backing raises friction with Egypt and gives Tel Aviv another way to pressure Cairo over its positions, despite the legitimacy of Egypt’s stance under international law, experts told Asharq Al-Awsat. They said the international community would ultimately determine the outcome.

Ethiopia has been landlocked since 1993, when Eritrea gained independence after a three-decade war. It relies on neighboring countries’ ports, particularly Djibouti’s.

The Ethiopian News Agency said Israel had announced diplomatic support for Ethiopia’s efforts to secure access to the sea. It quoted Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise as saying that his country firmly backed the East African nation’s push for a Red Sea outlet.

Empowering and strengthening Ethiopia and stabilizing the Red Sea are in everyone’s interest, not Ethiopia’s alone, and Israel stands with Ethiopia in this effort, Neguise told the agency on Thursday evening.

It was not Neguise’s first intervention on an issue dividing Egypt and Ethiopia. In August, he told reporters that Israel would “continue to strengthen its support for Ethiopia, with the aim of helping it become a leading economic power on the African continent.”

Threat to Egyptian interests

African affairs expert Asmaa al-Husseini said the Israeli statements “increase tensions with Egypt” and point to “a covert Israeli role in Ethiopia’s Red Sea moves aimed at harming Egyptian interests.”

The issue may not trigger a direct crisis between Cairo and Tel Aviv, she told Asharq Al-Awsat, but Egypt would closely monitor it. Cairo’s response would depend on the level of escalation and Ethiopia’s actions on the ground.

“Egypt has the right to defend its national security,” Husseini said. “If any military arrangements targeting it are pursued in the Red Sea, Egypt will take measures to prevent them. Ethiopia and Israel understand this, but they are trying by every means to impose a fait accompli. Egypt will never accept that.”

Neguise’s latest remarks coincided with renewed Egyptian opposition to Ethiopian access to the Red Sea.

“There are sovereign states with ports on the Red Sea, and no one has the right to grant any country military maritime access. Otherwise, there would be chaos, particularly as many African countries are landlocked,” Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty told a news conference on Thursday evening.

“There is no problem with commercial access,” he added.

Ramadan Qarny, an expert on African affairs, said Egypt’s opposition rested on several established principles.

“The first is legal: respect for international law, which affirms the exclusive right of littoral states to maintain a presence on the Red Sea coast,” Qarny told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The second is respect for African Union principles, which uphold the sanctity of borders inherited from the colonial era. Raising this issue could therefore open the door to widespread unrest across African countries.”

The third principle, Qarny said, was that “Egypt’s actions and position align with the principles of the African and Arab states bordering the Red Sea.”

Qarny said Israel was seeking Ethiopian backing on a similar issue: Israel’s presence in, or recognition of, the breakaway Somaliland region, which took place in December 2025.

“There is a political quid pro quo,” he said. “Israel supports Ethiopia in obtaining access to the Red Sea coast in exchange for Ethiopian support for Israel’s recognition of the breakaway Somaliland region.”

Cairo’s position

Cairo has not officially responded to Israel’s continued moves on Ethiopia.

Former Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed El-Orabi, a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the chairman of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs, has downplayed their impact.

In earlier remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said they would “neither undermine nor change” Egypt’s positions.

Qarny said Israeli support was unlikely to significantly alter the dynamics of the Egyptian-Ethiopian disputes.

“Tensions already exist and are likely to increase,” he said, adding that Ethiopian media had in recent months waged what he described as “a coordinated and organized campaign,” led by the Ethiopian News Agency, against Egypt’s positions.

The campaign, he said, had targeted Cairo’s stance on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the Nile Basin countries’ Cooperative Framework Agreement and Ethiopia’s bid for maritime access.