First Test of US-Backed ‘Pilot Zones’ in South Lebanon Lays Bare Difficulties

Workers collect scrap metal from the rubble of destroyed houses in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh on July 28, 2026, as residents return to inspect their homes after the Lebanese army deployed to the southern village as part of a framework deal reached with Israel. (AFP)
Workers collect scrap metal from the rubble of destroyed houses in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh on July 28, 2026, as residents return to inspect their homes after the Lebanese army deployed to the southern village as part of a framework deal reached with Israel. (AFP)
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First Test of US-Backed ‘Pilot Zones’ in South Lebanon Lays Bare Difficulties

Workers collect scrap metal from the rubble of destroyed houses in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh on July 28, 2026, as residents return to inspect their homes after the Lebanese army deployed to the southern village as part of a framework deal reached with Israel. (AFP)
Workers collect scrap metal from the rubble of destroyed houses in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh on July 28, 2026, as residents return to inspect their homes after the Lebanese army deployed to the southern village as part of a framework deal reached with Israel. (AFP)

A US-brokered plan for Israel to withdraw gradually from occupied areas of southern Lebanon in exchange for the disarmament of the Iranian-backed Hezbollah group is off to a painfully slow start. To the US, the "pilot zone program" is the centerpiece of a June 26 framework deal intended to end the war between Israel and Hezbollah, and establish peaceful ties between Israel and Lebanon.

But Hezbollah itself still refuses to give up its weapons. And on the ground, the rollout of the first zone in the south Lebanese village of Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh last week offered a glimpse of a strained and complex process that will be no easier to repeat elsewhere.

A senior Lebanese military official, who requested anonymity in order to speak freely, said it had taken weeks of US-brokered negotiations with Israel and days of military operations to establish the first zone in a single village.

The agreement links Israel's progressive withdrawal to the "verified disarmament" of Hezbollah, which is not a party to the deal, has refused to give up its arsenal, and has raised the prospect of internal strife if the state tries to disarm it by force.

With such operational and political challenges ahead, the Lebanese military official and two ‌foreign security officials said ‌they expected it to take more than a year to secure Israel's full withdrawal from Lebanon.

Residents inspect the rubble of their house in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh on July 28, 2026, after the Lebanese army deployed to the southern village as part of a framework deal reached with Israel. (AFP)

HEZBOLLAH DREW LEBANON ‌INTO ⁠MIDDLE EAST WAR

Two ⁠days after the US and Israel attacked Iran on February 28, Hezbollah pulled Lebanon into the war by firing at Israel. Israeli forces responded with aerial bombardments reaching as far as Beirut, and by occupying a strip of land extending about 10 km (6 miles) deep into southern Lebanon.

Even after a ceasefire last month, Israeli troops remained in the zone, razing villages and ordering residents who had fled not to return.

The US began mediating talks between Lebanon and Israel in mid-April, and setting out the pilot zone program in early June.

More than six weeks later, Lebanese soldiers deployed to Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh to implement the first zone after Israeli forces pulled back.

Within hours, Israeli units still stationed hundreds of meters away in an adjacent village accused Lebanese troops of deploying too close, and fired warning shots to keep them back.

An Israeli military official said ⁠troops were adjusting their "force posture" in the first pilot zone, without saying whether those who had withdrawn from ‌Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh had left Lebanon altogether or redeployed to other parts of the south.

The Lebanese troops spent ‌two days clearing rubble and accompanying paramedics into the village to recover the bodies of Hezbollah fighters.

On July 24, they finally allowed displaced residents to return, in carefully managed ‌convoys. Most homes were too badly damaged from bombing for anyone to stay.

Mayor Abed Ezzedin told Reuters around half of Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh was in ruins, ‌and reconstruction seemed far away.

"What kind of pilot zone are we talking about? And what kind of security and safety? There are still 70 or 80 occupied villages," he said.

"If they (Israeli troops) are going to withdraw from one village while remaining on the edge of the next -- we can't do that. It won't work. And what about the reconstruction we keep talking about? Without security and peace of mind, we can't rebuild. We cannot lay a single stone on top of another in Zawtar."

Spent military cartridges are seen inside a house in Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh on July 28, 2026, as residents return to inspect their homes after the Lebanese army deployed to the southern village as part of a framework deal reached with Israel. (AFP)

HEZBOLLAH DISARMAMENT REMAINS KEY

Israeli troops remain ‌stationed in a semicircle of towns to the north and east of Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, the strategic Beaufort Castle on a commanding ridge just 6 km (4 miles) to the east, and dozens of villages further south.

A key test ⁠of Lebanon's willingness to disarm Hezbollah ⁠in exchange for more Israeli withdrawals could lie a few kilometers away, along a mountain ridge known as Ali Taher.

Hezbollah is suspected of operating a command center and weapons stores there, Lebanese security sources told Reuters.

Hassan Jouni, a Lebanese analyst and retired general, said it was unlikely Israeli troops would withdraw from any more nearby positions "until the problem of Ali Taher is resolved" -- either with Israel capturing the ridge or Lebanese troops clearing out Hezbollah weapons stores.

Jouni noted that the June 26 deal does not set a timeline for either withdrawal or disarmament — and said disarming Hezbollah by force could, at worst, trigger civil war.

Under the deal, disarmament must be verified by a third party to enable the Israeli military to "progressively redeploy out of Lebanese territory". Neither a third party nor a mechanism for verification has been established, Jouni said.

"The timeline for the Israeli occupation, based on this formula, will take a long time."

Paramedics and Lebanese soldiers stand in the outskirts of the southern village of Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh, Lebanon, July 23, 2026. (Reuters)

LEBANON TO PROPOSE BIGGER PILOT ZONES

To speed the process, Lebanon intends to propose in talks with Israel next week that the occupied zone be divided into two or three large pilot zones encompassing dozens of towns, instead of Israel withdrawing village by village, the Lebanese military official said.

But Israeli officials have said troops will remain in southern Lebanon as long as necessary, and residents of Israeli-occupied land doubt they will ever see their hometowns again.

"How is Israel going to withdraw? It’s not that simple. They did the impossible to get in here; they aren't just going to leave overnight," said Zeinab Loubani, a 54-year-old mother displaced from a town near Zawtar al-Gharbiyeh.

"I’m telling you, I don’t believe it for a second. It’s all just talk ... There’s nothing left to hope for."



Netanyahu Says Palestinian Authority in for 'Big Surprise'

Israeli troops patrol in the West Bank city of Nablus, 24 October 2026. EPA/ALAA BADARNEH
Israeli troops patrol in the West Bank city of Nablus, 24 October 2026. EPA/ALAA BADARNEH
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Netanyahu Says Palestinian Authority in for 'Big Surprise'

Israeli troops patrol in the West Bank city of Nablus, 24 October 2026. EPA/ALAA BADARNEH
Israeli troops patrol in the West Bank city of Nablus, 24 October 2026. EPA/ALAA BADARNEH

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that the Palestinian Authority (PA) was in for a "big surprise" after he ordered a major military operation in response to an attack on soldiers in the West Bank.

Netanyahu, days ahead of elections, declined to answer directly when he was asked if he would dismantle the Palestinian Authority but said he favored "ruse and surprise.”

"We transformed the Middle East. I said that we would change things and we have," Netanyahu told i24News in an interview conducted late Friday.

"There is a very big surprise for the Palestinian Authority as well."

Netanyahu on Friday promised a massive military response after Palestinian militants killed two Israeli soldiers near Hebron in the occupied West Bank.

One of his far-right allies called after the attack for Israel to bring down the Palestinian Authority, the semi-autonomous body that governs parts of the West Bank in cooperation with Israel as part of peace accords in the 1990s.

No evidence suggests that the PA was connected to Friday's attack.


700 Square Kilometers Under Israeli Occupation in Lebanon: What Does the ‘Security Belt’ Mean?

700 Square Kilometers Under Israeli Occupation in Lebanon: What Does the ‘Security Belt’ Mean?
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700 Square Kilometers Under Israeli Occupation in Lebanon: What Does the ‘Security Belt’ Mean?

700 Square Kilometers Under Israeli Occupation in Lebanon: What Does the ‘Security Belt’ Mean?

Israel’s expanding operations in southern Lebanon are raising questions about how much territory its forces actually occupy, and how much they control through surveillance, firepower and the ability to launch attacks from forward positions.

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz has repeatedly cited an area of roughly 700 square kilometers. But developments on the ground paint a more complex picture: Israeli control varies from troops stationed at fixed positions to mobile incursions and firepower dominance over much wider areas.

Military assessments suggest the area is far from a uniform security belt stretching from the Mediterranean coast to Mount Hermon. Its depth varies sharply across sectors, shaped by terrain, commanding heights and routes of movement.

Israeli troops and military vehicles are stationed in some areas. Others have no permanent Israeli military presence but remain under aerial surveillance or within striking range, allowing forces to operate there without maintaining troops on the ground.

Single Front

Defense and security expert Riad Kahwaji told Asharq Al-Awsat that Israel views Lebanon and the Golan Heights as "a single front" stretching from Mount Hermon to the Mediterranean coast at Naqoura and Bayada, despite crossing two countries.

"From its perspective, Israel is establishing a security belt along its northern border," Kahwaji said, adding that the belt is "no longer confined to areas south of the Litani River but has extended north of it in some locations."

Geography helps explain why.

"The geographical scope has effectively expanded beyond the area south of the Litani, particularly from the direction of Metula, where the river is only about seven kilometers away, compared with roughly 30 kilometers between Naqoura and the Litani," he said.

That difference, Kahwaji explained, means the security belt can extend north of the Litani in some areas without maintaining the same depth across the entire border.

The river, therefore, is not a uniform dividing line between northern and southern operational zones. Distances vary, and geography dictates how far Israeli troops or firepower can reach.

Israeli bulldozers carve roads through the mountainous al-Shaqif region in southern Lebanon (AFP)

Firepower

Kahwaji drew a distinction between occupying territory and controlling it through surveillance and firepower.

He said Israel relies on about 20 military positions, each capable of accommodating a small force, while drones continuously monitor movements deeper inside the area.

"Each position could accommodate a company-sized force, while drones operate continuously farther behind these positions to monitor movements," he said.

"When drones detect movement, it is targeted by artillery or an airstrike. Alternatively, a patrol can be dispatched from one of these positions toward the location where the movement was detected within what is known as the yellow belt."

That, he said, is what control through firepower means.

"It does not require an extensive military presence throughout the entire belt. Instead, it relies on specific military positions, continuous surveillance through drones and firepower, and the ability to target any movement or dispatch a patrol."

The result is a military footprint that extends well beyond the positions troops physically occupy.

From elevated or fortified positions, forces can monitor surrounding roads and towns, strike targets or send patrols without establishing permanent bases in every location.

From the Coast to Beaufort Castle

The pattern is visible across southern Lebanon.

In the west, Israeli operations extend from Naqoura and the coastal sector into areas that have recently faced incursions, demolitions and repeated shelling, including Mansouri and its surroundings.

Farther east, central-sector towns such as Beit Yahoun, Hadatha, Haris and Aita al-Jabal have experienced varying degrees of Israeli military activity or attacks, though the level of troop presence differs.

The reach of operations extends farther inland toward Beaufort Castle and the Ali al-Taher heights.

There, elevated terrain offers commanding views over wider areas toward Nabatieh, Iqlim al-Tuffah and surrounding movement routes.

The result is a zone of control shaped less by a continuous border strip than by strategic elevations and the areas they overlook.

Could Israeli Operations Reach the Awali River?

Retired Brigadier General Fadi Daoud offered a broader assessment of where Israeli operations could extend, arguing that control of high ground may determine the limits of any advance.

"What is clear in southern Lebanon is that the expansion could reach the Awali River. Even if it does not, forces will remain positioned on the heights overlooking the river," Daoud told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said such a deployment could also encompass Rihan and areas around Jezzine, particularly Kfarhouna.

"The western boundary will be the Awali River," he said, identifying geographical control, especially over commanding heights, as the key factor shaping military movements.

Holding elevated positions, he argued, would allow Israeli forces to dominate lower-lying areas with firepower without maintaining troops throughout them.

"Geographical control will enable Israel to control the western Bekaa from the right flank because it is already present on Mount Hermon. The western Bekaa has effectively become a pocket between Mount Hermon and Rihan," Daoud said.

"Israel will establish positions there to control the Bekaa."

Dense clouds of dust cover the hills of Arnoun and al-Shaqif surrounding Beaufort Castle, as seen from Marjayoun in southern Lebanon (AFP)

The Strategic Heights of Rihan and Iqlim al-Tuffah

Daoud said the potential advance could stretch from Mount Rihan toward the heights of Iqlim al-Tuffah, including Mount Safi.

"It will move from Mount Rihan to the heights of Iqlim al-Tuffah, including Mount Safi, where it will establish control over Hezbollah's stronghold in Iqlim al-Tuffah, as well as Sidon, eastern Sidon and the Awali River," he said.

For Daoud, terrain is the determining factor.

"Geography is fixed, and Israel will follow it," he said, stressing that forces positioned on high ground can control areas below through firepower without deploying throughout them.

He argued that Israeli control of Mount Hermon would leave the western Bekaa militarily exposed as far as Qaraoun.

"Its control of Mount Hermon makes the western Bekaa militarily vulnerable as far as Qaraoun," he said.

Mount Hermon, he explained, overlooks two major areas: the western Bekaa to the west and Daraa in Syria to the east.

Both, he said, "will form pockets" on either side of the mountain.

The two military assessments point to a central distinction in the debate over the 700-square-kilometer area: the territory Israel can monitor, strike or enter is not necessarily territory it physically occupies.

Commanding heights, observation posts, fields of fire and the ability to deploy patrols can extend military control far beyond fixed positions, even as the scale of Israel's actual troop presence varies from one sector to another.

Israeli Drone Strike, Demolitions Hit Southern Lebanon

Meanwhile, Israeli military operations continued across southern Lebanon on Friday.

An Israeli drone struck a roundabout in Kfar Tebnit, in the Nabatieh district, with preliminary reports indicating casualties.

At the same time, Israeli troops carried out two demolitions, one on the outskirts of Kfar Tebnit and another in Mansouri in the Tyre district.

Israeli forces also set fire to wooded areas in Qantara and swept Wadi al-Hujeir with machine-gun fire.

An Israeli drone dropped a stun grenade near Kfarshouba, while low-flying drones were reported over Beirut's southern suburbs, Tyre and surrounding areas.


Khartoum Denies Army Role in ‘Abyei Massacre’

UN peacekeeping forces (UNISFA) attempting to extinguish fires in Al-Na'am market in the Abyei area (United Nations - Facebook)
UN peacekeeping forces (UNISFA) attempting to extinguish fires in Al-Na'am market in the Abyei area (United Nations - Facebook)
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Khartoum Denies Army Role in ‘Abyei Massacre’

UN peacekeeping forces (UNISFA) attempting to extinguish fires in Al-Na'am market in the Abyei area (United Nations - Facebook)
UN peacekeeping forces (UNISFA) attempting to extinguish fires in Al-Na'am market in the Abyei area (United Nations - Facebook)

Sudan’s government denied army involvement in a drone strike that killed more than 150 people at a market in the disputed Abyei region bordering South Sudan, according to local reports, as drone warfare intensified across Darfur and Kordofan.

The army, meanwhile, said it had recaptured military positions in Blue Nile state near the Ethiopian border and shot down a drone that crossed into Sudan from Ethiopia.

In a statement issued late Thursday, Sudan’s Foreign Ministry expressed deep regret over the civilian deaths, categorically denying “any connection between the Sudanese Armed Forces and this unfortunate incident.”

Aftermath of the fire that targeted a civilian truck in Abyei market (United Nations - Facebook)

The ministry said the attack bore similarities to atrocities blamed on the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), citing a December 2025 strike on a United Nations peacekeeping headquarters in Kadugli, South Kordofan, that killed peacekeepers, as well as attacks on humanitarian aid convoys.

The denial followed the army’s publication of images on Facebook in recent days indicating it had struck RSF command centers in the area.

An army officer also told the Associated Press that the strikes targeted fuel trucks heading to the RSF, denying that civilians had been targeted. The army leadership has made no official admission of responsibility.

South Sudan’s Foreign Ministry summoned Sudan’s ambassador in Juba to protest the attack, amid growing fears that the war’s fallout could spill across the border.

Peacekeeping forces in Abyei (UNISFA) participating in rescuing victims from Al-Na'am market (United Nations - Facebook)

UN, African Union Condemn Strikes

Oil-rich Abyei remains a flashpoint between Sudan and South Sudan, with sovereignty over the territory disputed since South Sudan’s independence in 2011. A UN peacekeeping force is deployed in the area.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres strongly condemned Monday’s drone attacks on Abyei, which killed dozens of civilians, including women and children, urging Khartoum and Juba to prevent further strikes and uphold the region’s demilitarized status.

African Union Commission Chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf also condemned the attacks, citing local and medical reports of more than 150 deaths.

He urged the warring sides to avoid actions that could inflame the conflict or threaten neighboring countries and reaffirmed support for mediation efforts to secure an immediate humanitarian ceasefire.

Elsewhere, the RSF-led parallel government, known as Tasis, accused the Sudanese army of striking a hospital in El Daein, the capital of East Darfur, with a drone on Thursday, killing three people and wounding dozens, according to its account.

In a statement Friday, Tasis said further airstrikes hit the government secretariat in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur, where the RSF runs its administration of territories under its control.

Pro-army social media platforms reported heavy airstrikes on RSF positions in Nyala, El Daein, El Fasher and parts of West Kordofan.

Local reports said the strikes hit fuel depots and military vehicles in the oil-producing Abu Jabra area of East Darfur, as well as positions in Babanusa, West Kordofan.

A military source cited in the reports said the raids aimed to cripple RSF logistics ahead of possible ground operations.

Image published by the Sudanese Army of a command post belonging to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Abyei (its Facebook page)

Army Reports Gains in Blue Nile

On another front, Sudan’s army said Thursday evening it had retaken Bakori and Aklili in southeastern Blue Nile state near the Ethiopian border after clashes with an alliance of the RSF and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu.

The army’s 4th Infantry Division, based in Damazin, said on Facebook that its troops had “liberated” both areas, inflicting heavy losses on opposing forces.

Bakori holds strategic military importance as the site of a 13th Brigade base along a route to Damazin, the state capital. RSF-allied forces had seized the area in August.

The army also said it had downed a drone it described as “strategic” over Bakori, claiming it had tracked the aircraft from the moment it crossed the Ethiopian border. It said the drone targeted fuel trucks believed to be heading to the RSF.

Sudan has accused Ethiopia of allowing the RSF to use its territory to launch drone strikes and ground operations inside Sudan, allegations Addis Ababa denies.