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Israeli Forces Displace Hebron Families after Deadly Attack

This picture shows empty residential buildings after the Israeli army forced Palestinians to evacuate the Ein Deir Baha neighborhood in occupied West Bank city of Hebron on October 24, 2026. (Photo by JOHN WESSELS / AFP)
This picture shows empty residential buildings after the Israeli army forced Palestinians to evacuate the Ein Deir Baha neighborhood in occupied West Bank city of Hebron on October 24, 2026. (Photo by JOHN WESSELS / AFP)
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Israeli Forces Displace Hebron Families after Deadly Attack

This picture shows empty residential buildings after the Israeli army forced Palestinians to evacuate the Ein Deir Baha neighborhood in occupied West Bank city of Hebron on October 24, 2026. (Photo by JOHN WESSELS / AFP)
This picture shows empty residential buildings after the Israeli army forced Palestinians to evacuate the Ein Deir Baha neighborhood in occupied West Bank city of Hebron on October 24, 2026. (Photo by JOHN WESSELS / AFP)

Israeli forces pushed into the occupied West Bank city of Hebron on Saturday and displaced around 250 families, some in the middle of the night, vowing to exact a heavy price for a deadly attack on soldiers.

The Palestinian Authority called for international pressure on Israel to protect residents, who said soldiers announced the evacuations over loudspeakers late at night as they packed what they could and left.

Days before tight elections, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he was planning an operation on a scale not seen since Israel first occupied the West Bank in 1967, after Palestinian militants killed two Israeli soldiers on Friday at a checkpoint.

In the Hebron neighbourhood of Ein Deir Baha, nestled between two hills, vacated buildings were marked by X's and the streets were deserted, save a pair of Israeli military vehicles. Israeli flags were draped on a house on the slope apparently taken over by troops.

Higazi Shawer al-Tamimi, 70, a shopkeeper who sells live chickens and feed and plays a leadership role in the neighbourhood, said he was awakened at 1:00 am by soldiers and a senior officer who said he had to leave.

"I asked them how long the evacuation would last. They said: 'Until further notice.'"

He told AFP he had only short time to pack, adding that for some residents, getting out of the neighbourhood was an ordeal.

"For example, my wife's mother, who is 90 years old and lives in the area, had to be carried out because she is ill," he said.

- 'Why should I be displaced?' -

To Tamimi, this is only happening because Netanyahu wants to win the election on "the blood of the Palestinian people".

He said people were not going anywhere. "I have lived through all the stages of the occupation, and I will die here."

The Palestinian Authority said it was mobilising its diplomats to seek "urgent international action that goes beyond condemnation" to prevent forced displacement.

Tamimi's brother, Khaled Shawer al-Tamimi, 68, was staying with his son after the evacuation order.

"The army was announcing through loudspeakers: 'Leave the area.' So we left."

He told AFP he was surprised to hear Friday's assailants came from the neighbourhood, which he described as middle-class and law-abiding.

"We have never seen or even heard a single gunshot being fired," he said from his son's sitting room as children flitted about.

"Why should I be displaced from my house?" he continued. The attackers "are the ones who carried out the act, and if the Israeli government wants to punish them, it can punish them."

Israeli forces have already demolished some buildings in the immediate vicinity of where the attack took place, and the Tamimis said they did not know if their homes would meet the same fate.

Hebron governor Khaled Dudin told AFP the army started in the attackers' neighbourhood "but there is no guarantee that the operation will not expand", calling it a form of "collective punishment".

The governor said 150 families had been affected, while Hebron mayor Youssef al-Jaabari and local activist Issa Amro put the figure at 250.

- Netanyahu promises PA 'surprise' -

The Israeli military said it was "conducting precise, targeted and thorough searches" focused on the area of the two gunmen, who were both killed in a firefight. It added that the operation would last several days.

But Netanyahu suggested that bigger action was coming.

Asked if he agreed with the idea of dismantling the Palestinian Authority, as has been suggested by his far-right national security minister Itamar Ben Gvir, Netanyahu referred to Israeli military operations in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria and Iran.

"We transformed the Middle East," he said, repeating a common campaign refrain, in an interview with i24News.

"There is a very big surprise for the Palestinian Authority as well."

There is no evidence that the Palestinian Authority had any involvement in Friday's attack.

Netanyahu has linked the assailants to Hamas, the militant group in Gaza that carried out the October 7, 2023 attack, the deadliest in Israel's history.

Hamas, while not claiming credit, hailed Friday's attack on soldiers and called on Palestinians to carry out more.

The attack came amid rising tensions in the West Bank as Israeli settlers, who enjoy strong support from Netanyahu's far-right allies, ramp up seizures of Palestinian land and attacks.

Rights group Yesh Din reported 672 incidents of settler violence over the past 26 days, nearly half related to the annual olive harvest.

Polls show Netanyahu is neck and neck with an opposition bloc led by Gadi Eisenkot, a centre-right former military chief who also opposes a Palestinian state but has promised to crack down on settler violence.

 

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Arab World

Lebanese Army Seizes Weapons Cache in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs, Raising Questions about Their Origins

The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
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Lebanese Army Seizes Weapons Cache in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs, Raising Questions about Their Origins

The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.
The seized weapons in this photo released by the Lebanese Army.

The Lebanese Army seized a large cache of weapons and ammunition during a raid on a warehouse in Musharrafieh, in Beirut’s southern suburbs.

Although the warehouse does not appear to belong to Hezbollah, the operation drew attention because it took place in the group’s stronghold, reviving debate over the state’s efforts to impose monopoly on arms.

The army said the raid followed “surveillance and monitoring of activities linked to weapons transportation and trafficking.” The seized weapons and ammunition were handed over, and an investigation into a detained suspect was launched under judicial supervision.

The army arrested a Lebanese citizen identified by the initials “A.A.” Its statement did not identify the warehouse’s owner or indicate any organizational affiliation.

According to information obtained by Asharq Al-Awsat, the owner belongs to a family from the Chiyah area and went into hiding immediately after the raid.

Retired Brig. Gen. Fadi Daoud told Asharq Al-Awsat that the raid was a preemptive security operation based on surveillance rather than a reaction to an immediate incident.

He noted that the army’s statement referred to weapons trafficking and transportation without attributing the warehouse to any particular organization.

“We therefore cannot hold any specific party responsible before the investigation is completed,” he said.

Daoud also warned that storing ammunition in the densely populated southern suburbs posed a direct threat to residents.

“This raid carries a dual message: domestically, that weapons fall exclusively under state authority, and internationally, that the army is serious and capable,” he said.

He described the raid as part of a broader process that began with the government’s decision to establish a state monopoly on arms, stressing the importance of awaiting the investigation’s findings and applying the same standards across all regions.

“The army has once again demonstrated its capabilities and will continue this approach consistently and transparently,” he added.

Possible sources

Military affairs observer Mustafa al-Asaad examined photographs of the seized weapons and suggested that the collection was more consistent with the activities of an experienced arms dealer than with preparations for direct military confrontation.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he considered it unlikely that the weapons formed part of military shipments sent from Iran to Lebanon.

“The variety of the weapons on display and their different origins indicate that the dealer does not rely on a single source but has an extensive network of contacts allowing him to obtain various types of firearms,” he said.

Al-Asaad noted that some of the pistols visible in the photographs are legally imported into Lebanon through established channels, while others appeared to have been smuggled or stolen from Iraq.

He pointed in particular to several Glock pistols, especially beige-colored models, resembling firearms used by Iraqi military and security agencies, including the police, army and special forces.

They may have reached Lebanon through a smuggling route from Iraq via Syria, although he cautioned that their origins could not be established without examining their serial numbers and identifying marks.

Al-Asaad also drew attention to a gold-plated Kalashnikov rifle, suggesting that some of the dealer’s customers might be collectors seeking distinctive firearms rather than weapons for combat.

He said the variety and quantity of weapons indicated considerable experience and connections within Lebanon’s arms trade, which has operated through established networks for decades.

Grenades and night-vision equipment

Al-Asaad also identified hand grenades and materials that could be used to manufacture explosives, although the quantities visible did not suggest an unusually large stockpile.

The collection included scopes and night-vision equipment used for military purposes but also available on the arms market.

He pointed to small automatic firearms resembling pistols, including models from the Skorpion family, which have historically been used in assassinations, including during the 1980s.

However, he stressed that their presence did not indicate preparations for assassinations, as such weapons could also appeal to collectors.

Al-Asaad compared the cache with arms seized by the Lebanese Army during previous raids in the Bekaa Valley, including rocket launchers and anti-armor weapons more clearly associated with direct military use.

He said that the latest photographs did not show any particularly unusual weapons that would be difficult to obtain on the Lebanese market.

Arab World

Israeli Political Shake-Up Clouds Lebanon Talks, Eisenkot May Take Tougher Line

US State Department Chief of Staff Daniel Holler speaks as Israeli Ambassador to the US Yechiel Leiter and Lebanese Ambassador to the US Nada Hamadeh, accompanied by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa, attend a meeting between Israeli and Lebanese delegations hosted by the United States, after the Trump administration said Israel and Lebanon agreed to implement a ceasefire to end hostilities, at the State Department in Washington, DC, US, June 3, 2026. (Reuters)
US State Department Chief of Staff Daniel Holler speaks as Israeli Ambassador to the US Yechiel Leiter and Lebanese Ambassador to the US Nada Hamadeh, accompanied by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa, attend a meeting between Israeli and Lebanese delegations hosted by the United States, after the Trump administration said Israel and Lebanon agreed to implement a ceasefire to end hostilities, at the State Department in Washington, DC, US, June 3, 2026. (Reuters)
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Israeli Political Shake-Up Clouds Lebanon Talks, Eisenkot May Take Tougher Line

US State Department Chief of Staff Daniel Holler speaks as Israeli Ambassador to the US Yechiel Leiter and Lebanese Ambassador to the US Nada Hamadeh, accompanied by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa, attend a meeting between Israeli and Lebanese delegations hosted by the United States, after the Trump administration said Israel and Lebanon agreed to implement a ceasefire to end hostilities, at the State Department in Washington, DC, US, June 3, 2026. (Reuters)
US State Department Chief of Staff Daniel Holler speaks as Israeli Ambassador to the US Yechiel Leiter and Lebanese Ambassador to the US Nada Hamadeh, accompanied by US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa, attend a meeting between Israeli and Lebanese delegations hosted by the United States, after the Trump administration said Israel and Lebanon agreed to implement a ceasefire to end hostilities, at the State Department in Washington, DC, US, June 3, 2026. (Reuters)

Political upheaval in Israel has cast fresh uncertainty over negotiations with Lebanon, raising questions about whether Prime Minister-designate Gadi Eisenkot will change Israel's approach or commit to the security conditions set by Benjamin Netanyahu.

Lebanon is waiting for Israel's next government to take shape before setting a date to resume talks. But political assessments suggest a change in leadership is unlikely to soften Israel's stance and could see Eisenkot take an even tougher line.

The uncertainty highlights a divide between diplomatic calculations over when talks might resume and political assessments of where they are headed.

The last round of negotiations in Tampa, Florida, ended without a date for further talks, while disputes persist over implementing the trilateral framework agreement, Israel's withdrawal from Lebanese territory and Hezbollah's disarmament.

Lebanon awaits Israeli govt

A Lebanese ministerial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that talks with Israel remain on hold pending clarity over the country's next government, despite continued contacts with Washington.

"The Americans were the ones who called for negotiations," the source said, referring to the last meeting in Tampa.

The source said all sides recognized that elections in Israel and the United States could divert attention from the talks or shift political priorities. Lebanon is now watching whether Eisenkot can form a government, with his position on negotiations still unclear.

If Eisenkot fails to form a coalition, Lebanon could find itself negotiating again with Netanyahu, whose government would remain in a caretaker capacity, adding further political complications.

Asked about contacts with Washington, the source said: "There is always communication, but there has been no answer on this issue."

The uncertainty follows Israeli President Isaac Herzog's decision on Nov. 8 to task Eisenkot, leader of the Yashar party, with forming a government after he secured recommendations from 67 Knesset members, against 46 for Netanyahu.

Despite securing the most endorsements, Eisenkot faces divisions among his backers over the makeup of a governing coalition, particularly the participation of Arab parties and potential arrangements with religious parties.

He has 28 days to form a government, with a possible 14-day extension. Netanyahu and his cabinet retain their powers until a transfer of authority.

Talks will continue

Former Lebanese lawmaker Fares Souaid offered a different assessment, saying Israel's change in leadership would neither alter its strategic course nor halt negotiations with Lebanon.

He said the talks would continue and inevitably lead to new arrangements between the two countries, though not necessarily a peace agreement.

Souaid told Asharq Al-Awsat that the regional "earthquake" had shifted Israel from watching and waiting to seeking "a long-term insurance policy from neighboring countries."

"This will not change from one government to another or from one prime minister to another," he said.

But peace would require a major Arab initiative, he added

Souaid linked the future of Lebanese-Israeli relations to broader regional shifts, saying discussions over a new regional order could pave the way for comprehensive settlements benefiting countries that have paid a heavy price for decades of Arab-Israeli conflict.

"Everyone is talking about a new Middle East," he said.

Souaid said confrontations stretching from the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandeb to the Ali al-Taher ridge in southern Lebanon were part of a single conflict unlikely to end through separate or phased settlements.

"This is one battle," he said, predicting it would end not in stages but through a broad regional conference in which all sides would find their place in the new regional order.

Souaid also dismissed the prospect of a fundamental shift in Israel's negotiating approach under Eisenkot, saying his military background could make him at least as uncompromising as Netanyahu.

"He is no less hard-line than Netanyahu," Souaid said.

Eisenkot could adopt an even tougher negotiating stance, driven by security and military considerations, as well as domestic political pressures, he added.

Arab World

Houthis Threaten to Shut Sanaa Schools to Enforce Military Mobilization

The Houthis are accused of is seeking to recruit more fighters from among students. (Local media)
The Houthis are accused of is seeking to recruit more fighters from among students. (Local media)
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Houthis Threaten to Shut Sanaa Schools to Enforce Military Mobilization

The Houthis are accused of is seeking to recruit more fighters from among students. (Local media)
The Houthis are accused of is seeking to recruit more fighters from among students. (Local media)

The Houthis are threatening dozens of private schools in Yemen's capital, Sanaa, with fines and closure for refusing to pull students and teachers out of classrooms for rallies promoting the militia's military escalation in Taiz and other battlefronts and glorifying its leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi.

School sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Houthis had ordered private schools in Sanaa and its outskirts to hold at least three student marches and rallies a week, both on school grounds and in nearby streets, cutting into classroom hours and turning schools into platforms for political propaganda and military mobilization.

Since seizing control of Sanaa, the Houthis have revised school curricula and introduced sectarian and mobilization activities, drawing warnings from human rights groups and the United Nations over the ideological indoctrination and military recruitment of children.

School administrators in the Safiya, Sabeen, Azal, Wehda and Tahrir districts have resisted the orders under pressure from parents threatening to withdraw their children over disrupted lessons and activities unrelated to education.

The education ministry in the Houthis' unrecognized government responded by threatening a range of penalties.

The threats come as the militia steps up mobilization activities in public schools under its control, coinciding with a military escalation in several provinces in recent weeks and amid accusations that it is seeking to recruit more fighters from among students.

The Houthis have turned annual school license renewals into a pressure tactic to force administrators to comply, sparking widespread anger among educators and communities who see the measures as a blatant violation of children's right to education and a direct threat to their future.

Education professionals told Asharq Al-Awsat they were increasingly alarmed by mobilization events imposed on schools, with students forced to participate daily.

One parent in Sanaa, speaking on condition of anonymity, expressed concern after the school administration told families their children were required to attend mobilization rallies.

"We can barely afford tuition and transportation, and now they want to turn our children into tools for their activities," the parent said. "We fear this could eventually go beyond marches and lead to our children being sent to the frontlines."

A teacher in the Azal district said the rallies were eating into school schedules and taking time away from core subjects.

Teachers who refuse to mobilize students or make them chant Houthi slogans face threats of disciplinary action and penalties, the teacher said.

Private schools in Sanaa have seen enrollment rise during years of war as families fled deteriorating public education and teacher strikes. But those schools now face Houthi financial levies and ideological scrutiny.

A private school principal in Tahrir, central Sanaa, condemned the use of license renewals to pressure administrators into implementing mobilization programs.

Schools are caught between Houthi threats of closure and parents threatening to withdraw their children over disrupted lessons, putting the education of hundreds of students at risk, he said.

The mounting pressure threatens to deepen an unprecedented collapse in education across Houthi-controlled areas, where tens of thousands of teachers have gone unpaid for years and face worsening living conditions.

The Houthis have refused to pay salaries to about 170,000 teachers and education employees in areas under their control since 2016, despite collecting billions of Yemeni rials in taxes and annual fees imposed on educational institutions.