Iraq's Enjoys Respite from Turmoil but Risks Remain

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, attends the Arab League Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, May 19, 2023. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, attends the Arab League Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, May 19, 2023. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
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Iraq's Enjoys Respite from Turmoil but Risks Remain

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, attends the Arab League Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, May 19, 2023. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, attends the Arab League Summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, May 19, 2023. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo

Helped by buoyant oil prices and a period of political calm at home and in the region, Iraq appears more stable than any time since the US-led invasion, although the government's bid to cement gains with a budget splurge may prove a shaky foundation.

In office since October, Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani has launched a program to rebuild infrastructure and attract foreign investors, but analysts say the plans are at risk from an uncertain oil price outlook and face the challenge of maintaining delicate diplomacy in a volatile region, Reuters said.

"We are positive in the short-term outlook but medium to longer-term there are major challenges," said one Western diplomat.

Brought to power by Shiite Muslim groups backed by neighboring Iran, Sudani passed his first major test this week by getting the state budget through parliament.

He has also performed a tricky diplomatic balancing act in handling relations with archrivals Iran and the United States.

Sudani won Washington's praise by implementing demands to stop dollars being smuggled to Iran in violation of US sanctions, yet has kept Tehran's allies in Iraq happy with a state hiring spree and plans for major projects to create new work opportunities for militiamen, many from Iran-backed groups, now that their fight against ISIS has been won.

A lawmaker from Iraq's majority Muslim Shiite community, who backs Sudani, said the prime minister was working "as a successful diplomat who can keep good relations with the West and Americans and at the same time make sure to send positive messages to Tehran."

The lawmaker, who declined to be named so he could speak freely about the prime minister, said Sudani's Iran-aligned backers saw him as a man who would act as a manager to improve basic services while shielding their interests.

UNRESOLVED PROBLEMS

Government foreign affairs adviser Farhad Alaaldin said Sudani served all Iraqis not just those allied to Iran.

"It's been a long while since we enjoyed this sort of political stability where the crises we face are dealt with in meeting rooms and under the roof of parliament and not outside," Alaaldin said.

It is a dramatic shift from last year, when rivalry between Shiite groups blocked the formation of a government, leading to violence and stoking fears of civil war in a nation that has suffered from conflict and chaos since the 2003 invasion.

Analysts say many of Iraq's problems remain unresolved, ranging from its heavy dependence on oil revenues and the volatile global energy market to graft and sectarianism.

"The system of corruption and political patronage is entrenched and has stifled any reform attempts for the past 20 years," said Renaud Mansour, director of the Iraq Initiative at London's Chatham House think tank, adding that a state hiring spree was not a "sustainable fix".

He said Iraq could easily be destabilized by problems beyond its borders, calling the country a "playground for regional and global problems".

Iraq remains vulnerable to geopolitical shocks, including in the Kurdish-controlled north, where rival parties are feuding. Türkiye and Iran have mounted military operations against Kurdish armed groups there, saying they threaten their national security.

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Challenges abound elsewhere too. Last year's fears about civil war only abated when populist Shiite cleric Muqtada Sadr stepped back from politics and his huge number of followers moved off the streets. But he has stepped back before and analysts say could fire up the street again if he sought a return.

Nevertheless, Sudani has had successes. His budget was passed after tough negotiations to win the backing of Shiite, Kurdish and Sunni Arab factions.

But the budget, Iraq's biggest, forecasts spending of 198.9 trillion dinars ($153 billion) with plans to add more than 500,000 workers to an already bloated bureaucracy, flying in the face of recommendations from the International Monetary Fund.

Most families rely on income from relatives with state jobs - difficult to cut if oil prices fall and state revenues slide.

Seeking to strengthen the economy, Sudani has courted foreign investment, including reviving a $27 billion deal with France's TotalEnergies and QatarEnergies to develop oil and gas output.

His diplomatic initiatives, meanwhile, have included visits to Germany, France and Saudi Arabia. But notably he has secured support from the United States, which has 2,500 soldiers in Iraq to advise and assist in fighting remnants of ISIS.

US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs Barbara Leaf said the government's agenda of economic reform and the drive against corruption was "exactly what the doctor ordered".

"We will support this government working through those steps," she said in Baghdad in May, calling Iraq a place for cooperation rather than a "battleground".



Three Scenarios for Russia’s Military Presence in Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
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Three Scenarios for Russia’s Military Presence in Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)
Russian President Vladimir Putin inspecting his troops at Hmeimim Airbase in Latakia on December 12, 2017 (Sputnik/AP)

Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday he would meet former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who fled to Russia after his regime fell in Damascus. But what will Putin say to his former ally? And how might their first exchange unfold, given Russia’s role in helping Assad escape on a chaotic night?

The Kremlin, known for staging Putin’s meetings with precision, might opt to limit media coverage this time. Putin could be seen sitting at a small table with Assad, now on asylum

in Moscow, in a soundless scene—one that leaves little room for formal pleasantries.

Why has Putin announced plans to meet Assad? Is it to reprimand him? Many in Russia believe Assad’s stubbornness has hurt Moscow’s efforts, threatened its gains in Syria, and could eventually risk its key military presence there.

As details remain unclear, Russian experts are racing to analyze developments in Syria and outline scenarios for the next phase.

Some Russian experts have painted grim scenarios. A member of the prestigious Russian Council on Foreign and Defense Policy warned of potential risks, including a prolonged conflict with civil war elements, a humanitarian catastrophe with millions of refugees, escalating migration in Europe, and rising tensions among nations like Israel, the US, and Iran.

He also predicted a new wave of international terrorism that could reach far beyond the region.

Other experts echoed this pessimism. One posted an image of a Syrian dissident stepping on a statue of Assad’s father, warning that “this is just the beginning.” Another blamed the crisis on the “Obama curse,” citing the West’s interference, while a third shared a bleak analysis titled, “We Must Pray for Syria.”

So far, Russian media and think tanks have avoided any optimistic outlooks for Syria’s future.

Experts, who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat, believe Moscow may be preparing to handle one of three possible scenarios in Syria.

The first, most favorable for Russia’s interests, involves Moscow reaching an agreement with the new Syrian authorities to maintain its military presence for a limited period.

This could mean replacing the current 49-year agreements with a five-year deal to facilitate a gradual Russian withdrawal. Such an arrangement could help the new leadership in Syria manage Western pressure to cut ties with Moscow.

The second scenario envisions Russia giving up its airbase in Hmeimim while retaining a significant presence in Tartus. This would mirror agreements from 1972, which allowed Russian naval vessels to use the Tartus logistics center in the Mediterranean. This compromise would preserve Russia’s interests while reducing Western pressure on Damascus.

The third scenario involves a full Russian withdrawal from both bases, with Moscow later seeking agreements for shared use of air and sea ports. Such agreements, similar to those Russia has signed with other countries, are less likely to provoke Western opposition.

Regardless of the outcome, the Kremlin has yet to develop a clear strategy for dealing with the emerging situation in Syria.

Key questions remain, including how to curb Iran’s regional influence, manage Türkiye and Israel’s growing roles in Syria, and establish a new regional balance that secures Moscow’s minimum interests.