Al-Faisal Made Historic Decisions to Preserve the Grand Mosque’s Porticoes

King Fahd looks at a model for the second expansion of the Great Mosque of Makkah.
King Fahd looks at a model for the second expansion of the Great Mosque of Makkah.
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Al-Faisal Made Historic Decisions to Preserve the Grand Mosque’s Porticoes

King Fahd looks at a model for the second expansion of the Great Mosque of Makkah.
King Fahd looks at a model for the second expansion of the Great Mosque of Makkah.

During the second phase of the first Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque (1381 AH - 1961 AD to 1388 AH - 1968 AD), the rest of the vaults were built and roofed, while the construction of the ground floor for all the corridors was completed.
Three minarets were also constructed, one next to Al-Safa, and two next to King Abdul Aziz Gate. The arch of Bani Shaybah Gate was removed from the mosque. This phase saw the accession to power of King Faisal, on Jumada II 27, 1384 AH, corresponding to November 2, 1964.
The work of the first Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque continued during the reign of King Faisal and witnessed important changes. The project was restructured and the Egyptian advisory office, which consisted of Mahmoud Omar and Yahya Mustafa, was replaced.
On the 10th of Jumada I, 1386 AH (August 25, 1966), Pakistan’s Association of Consulting Engineers was appointed as a new consultant for the project in order to meet the deadlines set by the relevant government committees. However, a major amendment occurred in the planning the following year, when King Faisal issued an order, preventing the demolishing of the old arcades, which required changes and modifications in the design of the new Saudi building in order to link it to the existing arcades.
Officials in the Ministry of Finance and National Economy suggested inviting the most famous international architects and engineers from various Islamic countries to conduct the necessary studies and find engineering solutions.
King Faisal received the members of this commission on the morning of Saturday, Rajab 11, 1387 AH, corresponding to October 4, 1967, at Shubra Palace in Taif. The commission: Dr. Reha Masara from Türkiye, Dr. Muhammad Ali Adebi from Iran, Eng. Mohammad Taher al-Juwayni from Egypt, Dr. Omar Azzam from Saudi Arabia, Dr. Ehsan Barbuti from Iraq, Eng. Haji Mohammad Basu from Morocco, Eng. Mohammad Fayyaduddin from India, and Eng. Khaja Azimuddin from Pakistan.
Following several meetings, the experts concluded that the old building required major repairs and renovations. Thus, the commission recommended that the old porticoes be preserved on the western side of the Grand Mosque, from the Umrah Gate to the King Abdul Aziz Gate, because this part was almost parallel to the new expansion and consistent with the general planning. As for the other parts, the commission said they should be demolished.
The committee also recommended the construction of arcs with a width of five meters in the facade of the new building, in the same architectural style as the old porticoes, in order to preserve the aesthetic and architectural form of the corridors of the Grand Mosque.
King Faisal’s historic decision to preserve the identity of the Grand Mosque
After King Faisal was informed of the findings of the advisory body, he did not agree to demolish the old portico, which was four hundred years old. He issued his historic decision not to demolish it and to make every effort to preserve it, and to take into account its harmony with the new architecture, regardless of the considerations of the costs that this effort may require.
Dr. Mansour Al-Daajani confirmed that this historic decision guaranteed the survival of one of the most important Islamic architectural monuments, which abounds with many historical evidence, such as inscriptions, writings and columns dating back to the era of the Abbasid caliph Muhammad al-Mahdi, and architectural elements dating back to the Abbasid, Mamluk and Ottoman eras.
The fourth and last phase of the Grand Mosque expansion (1393 AH - 1973 AD to 1396 AH - 1976 AD), extended to the era of King Khalid, who assumed power on Rabi` al-Awwal 13 1395 AH - March 25, 1975.
The expansion project was completed on Rajab 4, 1396 AH (July, 4 1976). The idea of linking the columns to the historical arcades has created this beautiful architectural consistency - a unique achievement in the history of the expansion of the Grand Mosque in particular, and architecture in general.
In continuation of the first Saudi expansion, and in order to provide comfort for the worshippers, an additional expansion of the Mataf began during the reign of King Khalid in 1398 AH - 1978 AD.
The capacity of the Mataf was increased to accommodate 28,000 worshippers at the same time. In addition to the electric fans, Al-Masa’ was cooled with air conditioners for the first time in the history of the Grand Mosque.
King Khalid also ordered the manufacture of a new door for the Holy Kaaba to replace the door that was installed during the reign of King Abdulaziz.
The surrounding squares and roads leading to the Grand Mosque were also expanded, and a number of tunnels were opened for the first time to facilitate traffic and access to the mosque.
During the reign of King Khalid, in the year 1401 AH - 1981 AD, Al-Safa Palace was built on Mount Abu Qubays, overlooking the Grand Mosque, to be the seat of the king and the guests of the state.
The project of King Abdulaziz to expand the Grand Mosque and renew its architecture, or what has been called “the first Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque”, has lasted for about a quarter of a century and passed through multiple stages.
It was a strategic project and foundational expansion that was supervised by kings and followed by Saudi officials at all levels. More than 55,000 experts, engineers, technicians, employees and workers participated in its implementation.
The project constituted a quantum leap in the history of the expansion and architecture of the Grand Mosque in Makkah. The total area of ​​the expansion buildings, in addition to the surrounding arenas, reached around 200,000 square meters, more than six times its previous area, accommodating at peak times up to 400,000 worshipers.
Al-Fahd leads the second Saudi expansion
Several years after the completion of the first Saudi expansion works, there was an urgent need for a new extension of the Grand Mosque due to the increase in the number of pilgrims. King Fahd issued an order to start making the necessary studies and designs for the project and drawing detailed executive plans. Specific timetables have been set for each phase.
King Fahd laid the foundation stone for the second Saudi expansion of the Grand Mosque (King Fahd expansion) on Safar 2, 1409 AH - January 15, 1989 AD.
The project included adding a new part in the western side of the mosque, in the small market area between Bab Al-Amra and King Abdulaziz Gate, in addition to creating new squares, in order to raise the capacity of the Grand Mosque to the maximum extent.
After completing the structural and architectural phase of the project, King Fahd proceeded with the technical and aesthetic side, where the walls and columns were covered with marble and artificial stone, with the use of beautiful geometric shapes.
Dr. Mansour Al-Dajani says: “This expansion saw no changes in the geometric and architectural shape of the old arcades... However, the reign of King Fahd, which lasted for twenty-four years, witnessed continuous maintenance work that included the columns, arches and domes of the Grand Mosque.... Loudspeakers were also placed on the facades of the porticoes...”
Moreover, comprehensive restoration works of the Holy Kaaba were carried out, and were completed in the year 1417 AH - 1997 AD. This came in parallel with the establishment of the Makkah Construction and Development Company (a public joint stock company) to develop real estate adjacent to the Grand Mosque, which contributed to raising the level of residential facilities, hotel services and markets around Al-Masjid al-Haram.
The second Saudi expansion was completed through six phases, and works officially ended on the 30th of Dhu al-Qi`dah 1413 AH - April 22, 1993 AD. The total area of the mosque and the surrounding squares reached about 400,000 square meters, while the capacity was increased to accommodate about 800,000 worshipers. The costs of the second Saudi expansion amounted to more than 30 billion riyals ($8 billion).



Amr Moussa: Arafat Was Wily, Obsessed with Escaping Patronage

Arafat welcomes Amr Moussa in 1993. AFP file photo
Arafat welcomes Amr Moussa in 1993. AFP file photo
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Amr Moussa: Arafat Was Wily, Obsessed with Escaping Patronage

Arafat welcomes Amr Moussa in 1993. AFP file photo
Arafat welcomes Amr Moussa in 1993. AFP file photo

In the final episode of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, former Egyptian Foreign Minister and ex-Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa reflected on his encounters with some of the Arab world’s most prominent leaders, offering personal insights and candid recollections.

Moussa described the late Moroccan King Hassan II as “the embodiment of intelligence,” saying that conversing with the monarch required keen attention and careful reading between the lines.

“You’d state your opinion, and he would respond. His words were precise, and if you listened closely, you could discern whether he agreed or disagreed without him needing to say so explicitly,” Moussa said.

He recalled a moment of quiet diplomacy with King Hassan II over the invitation of the Sahrawi delegation to an Arab-African summit in Cairo.

“He told me very clearly, ‘I do not agree at all. Please inform the president that I am uncomfortable with this and do not wish to open unnecessary doors.’”

Moussa said he responded by explaining that Egypt would not be issuing the invitation itself - that would fall to the Secretary-General of the Organization of African Unity - and that the Egyptian president would not officially receive the Sahrawi delegation.

“I told him this would be handled formally and with discretion,” Moussa recounted. “When I said the word ‘formally,’ he repeated it, and I said, ‘Is there anything more significant than formal protocol, Your Majesty?’ He laughed. He didn’t say yes or no, but I understood his position.”

Moussa added that King Hassan reiterated his discomfort but did not object to the arrangement Moussa had outlined.

Turning to other regional figures, Moussa described Jordan’s late King Hussein bin Talal as “a skilled captain navigating turbulent waters,” and characterized the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat as “mercurial, a master of maneuvering to evade any form of guardianship.”

He expressed admiration for the diplomatic legacy of the late Saudi Foreign Minister, Prince Saud Al Faisal, and spoke appreciatively of the experience of Iraq’s former foreign minister Hoshyar Zebari.

Away from politics, Moussa shared a personal side, revealing his fondness for the poetry of Al-Mutanabbi and the music of Egyptian composer and singer Mohammed Abdel Wahab.

Moussa praised Jordan’s late King Hussein for his deft political navigation, and said his son, King Abdullah II, has inherited many of those skills in managing the kingdom through difficult times.

“I have great admiration for Jordan and deep affection for its people,” Moussa said.

“King Hussein had an exceptional ability to maneuver through enormous storms, sparing Jordan from many disasters and emerging relatively unscathed. It was a remarkable achievement.”

He said King Abdullah had inherited much of his father’s political instinct.

“I believe King Abdullah learned a lot from him and carries forward that legacy. From the time of King Hussein, Jordan has been a well-organized and orderly society.”

Acknowledging the political and economic challenges the country faces, Moussa noted, “Of course, there are political difficulties and issues like poverty just as in many of our countries but I’m speaking about governance. From the outside, Jordan appears to be managed with an extraordinary level of intelligence despite immense internal, regional, and geopolitical pressures.”

Arafat the Ultimate Wily

Asked whether he missed the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, Moussa offered a complex reflection.

“I pray for his soul. He was an extraordinary figure - charismatic, cunning, and unpredictable,” he said. “In Egypt, we’d call someone like that wily - he’d say and not say, appear and disappear, agree and disagree, all at the same time.”

Moussa described Arafat as a mirror of the Palestinian struggle. “Palestinians had to do everything they could for their cause, and that often meant being unpredictable, agile - even cunning. Arafat embodied that.”

He added, “There’s no doubt he was a nationalist. He was never willing to be an agent, submissive, or beholden to any other power. That was one of his greatest traits and perhaps one of his greatest flaws.”

“Arafat didn’t see things in black and white or even in shades of gray. But politics is about handling complexity. Sometimes you need to be decisive and firm, and at other times flexible and adaptive. That’s what politics demands.”

Moussa described Arafat as a master political tactician whose elusive maneuvering often drew fierce criticism, especially in his absence.

“Yes, he faced harsh attacks,” Moussa told Asharq Al-Awsat. “The insults often came when he wasn’t present, and he was aware of that.”

Moussa recalled a meeting in Cairo during preparations to resolve the Gaza file, a move that ultimately paved the way for Arafat’s return to Palestinian territory via Gaza.

“It was a positive step that should have been built upon,” he said.

“President [Hosni] Mubarak was very angry at the time. I think he even muttered something, not directly at Arafat, saying, ‘This is kids’ play.’”

Arafat, according to Moussa, was deeply distrustful of the Israelis. “And he was right to be,” he added. “Still, before taking any action, we had to study every angle to ensure things unfolded smoothly.”

Despite the progress, Arafat continued to hedge. “He signed, but with reservations. That frustrated President Mubarak,” Moussa said. “But I managed to convince him that the other side wasn’t exactly above suspicion either.”

Arafat’s position on the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait cost him dearly in the Arab world. “He had many enemies, especially after the Iraq-Kuwait crisis. That created significant turmoil,” Moussa said.

He noted that insults were not part of traditional Arab diplomacy. “They became more common with the rise of military coups. Suddenly, accusations of treason became routine.”

The Tunis Summit: A Diplomatic Low Point

When asked about the most difficult Arab summit he attended, Moussa pointed to the 2004 Arab League summit in Tunis, which was postponed at the last minute amid mounting tensions.

“Every summit was difficult, but that one stands out,” he said. “It was a storm of disputes, and I found myself at the center of one.”

The controversy erupted after Moussa, then Secretary-General of the Arab League, agreed to have Arab literature featured as the guest of honor at the Frankfurt Book Fair.

“The request came to me through Ghassan Salamé. He explained the proposal in my office in Cairo. I told him: ‘Tell them I accept.’ As Secretary-General, I had the authority to do so.”

The decision was initially approved by Arab culture ministers. But once it reached foreign ministers, questions arose. “They asked: ‘Is the Secretary-General entitled to make such decisions?’ I told them yes. But if they disagreed, I would present it to the summit.”

The backlash was swift. “It became a major issue, one that escalated quickly. There were other contentious items as well,” Moussa said.

Faced with the mounting discord, then-Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali decided to postpone the summit just as some Arab leaders had already begun arriving.

“It wasn’t an outright cancellation but a deferral,” Moussa explained. “Ben Ali was right. The atmosphere was too tense, with unresolved disputes. It wouldn’t have been productive.”

Tunisian State Minister Habib Ben Yahia informed the delegation of the delay, which left many shocked.

“Later, President Ben Ali summoned me to his office,” Moussa recalled. “He asked for my opinion. I told him I understood the decision, but we had to set a new date. It was late March. I suggested May. He agreed.”

Around the same time, Moussa saw a statement from an Egyptian official offering to host the summit if Tunisia could not. “I told President Ben Ali I would look into the matter and get back to him,” he said.

Moussa has recounted a high-stakes meeting with President Mubarak following the sudden postponement of the 2004 Arab League summit in Tunis, describing the diplomatic balancing act that followed.

Moussa said that before leaving Tunis for Cairo, he contacted presidential chief of staff Zakaria Azmi and requested an immediate meeting with Mubarak upon arrival. “I was told the president would see me the next morning at 9 a.m.,” he said.

On arrival at the presidential palace, he was informed by a staff member that Mubarak was meeting with Prince Saud and Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Maher.

“I asked him to inform the president I had arrived. He came back and said, ‘The president says to come in.’”

Inside the room, Prince Saud was seated to Mubarak’s right, with Maher next to him. Moussa took the chair facing the president.

“Mubarak asked me directly, ‘What are you going to do about this, Amr?’” Moussa recalled. “I told him, ‘Mr. President, the situation was indeed complicated. Perhaps the decision (to postpone) wasn’t ideal, but there were real difficulties.’”

He explained that the summit had been Tunisia’s turn to host and that he had already spoken with Ben Ali. “I told him we must agree on a new date - May - and that it must be held in Tunis. I said this message should come from you directly.”

Mubarak, Moussa said, responded positively: “You’re right. I feel reassured by this.”

Moussa said Saudi Arabia’s late foreign minister, Prince Saud, had a look of “relief and joy” when Egypt backed holding the 2004 Arab League summit in Tunis, following a postponement that had stirred diplomatic tensions.

“It was as if mercy had descended upon him,” Moussa told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Prince Saud was visibly pleased. As secretary-general, I insisted the summit must take place in Tunis. In fact, Prince Saud had come to Cairo for the same reason. He feared that relocating the summit would spark a crisis between Egypt and Tunisia, or even with the Maghreb.”

He added, “I returned to Tunis the following day and informed President Ben Ali that the summit would indeed be held there the next month. We then sat together discussing our mutual admiration for Mohamed Abdel Wahab. He was a great fan and had collected all his recordings.”

On the Fate of Arab Leaders

Asked how he felt when reflecting on the downfall of Arab rulers such as Muammar Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein, Ali Abdullah Saleh, Hosni Mubarak and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Moussa said:

“May God have mercy on them. They made grave mistakes and failed to see the momentum that was building. That momentum was evident in the discourse around a ‘new Middle East.’ If good governance had existed in those countries, the people would have protected their leaders. But what happened showed the deep need for change.”

Praise for Arab Diplomacy

Moussa also spoke highly of several Arab foreign ministers he worked with, saying many were “exceptional professionals who conducted themselves with integrity.”

He singled out Prince Saud as “an extraordinary figure - wise, respected, and trusted deeply by King Abdullah. The king would rely on his assessments and act accordingly.”

“We had a strong mutual respect,” he added. “His support was critical in rallying Arab momentum behind the Palestinian cause, Arab League reform, and the League’s renewed dynamism. He defended our positions - including when I led Arab reconciliation efforts in Beirut. European diplomats would tell me how Prince Saud described me as a unified Arab voice. He stood by me at the UN and attended regional summits - from Latin America to the Arab world - whenever I called on him.”

Moussa also praised Zebari, Iraq’s former foreign minister, calling him “a Kurdish minister who often sounded more Arab than many Arabs.”

“He clearly articulated Arab interests and was always ready to step in diplomatically to defuse tensions - whether between ministers or between ministers and the secretary-general. He was a thoroughly positive presence,” Moussa said.

He also acknowledged the contributions of Tunisia's Habib Ben Yahia, Kuwait's Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, Qatar's Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani, Oman's Yusuf bin Alawi, and Jordan's Nasser Judeh and Ayman Safadi, noting their professionalism and dedication to Arab unity.

Moussa recalls working with dozens of Arab foreign ministers over the years, singling out those who left a lasting impression. Among them was Tunisia’s Habib Ben Yahia, who also served as defense minister. “A well-balanced figure and a strong advocate for the Arab position,” Moussa said.

But one man, he noted, stood apart: Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, Kuwait’s former foreign minister and prime minister, who later became Emir. “He had a unique ability to read the room. Before tensions escalated, he would call for consultations or suspend a meeting, preventing crises before they erupted. Without his timely interventions, some meetings would have ended in chaos,” Moussa said. “His leadership as Emir was undeniably impactful.”

Another key figure was Qatar’s Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani. “You could write pages about his intelligence and agility,” said Moussa. “He knew how to secure gains for Qatar, but also understood when to share benefits to avoid backlash. He was very smart.”

Moussa said he and Hamad maintained a candid relationship. “He would say openly: I’ll support this, but not that. There was honesty, not empty talk. Saud Al Faisal appreciated dealing with him as well. The three of us - me, Saud, and Hamad - spoke frankly.”

From Oman, Yousuf bin Alawi stood out for his quiet but disruptive style. “He would remain silent during discussions, then intervene at the end to overturn consensus if he didn’t agree. I could often predict when he’d shut something down,” said Moussa. “We were aware of his capabilities.”

On Jordan, Moussa said the kingdom produced several sharp, effective foreign ministers. “Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib was one of the good ones, followed by Nasser Judeh. The current minister, Ayman Safadi, is excellent - clear, reliable, and valuable in Arab diplomacy.”

The Arab Peace Initiative

Asked whether it was difficult to pass the Arab Peace Initiative at the 2002 Beirut Summit, Moussa replied, “Not at all. King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia backed it. It was hard to reject anything he supported.”

He recalled how Libya’s then-foreign minister, Ali Treki, was instructed to oppose the initiative. “But King Abdullah summoned him and said: There is no objection. Treki responded: Understood. He was a clever man. Rather than oppose it outright, we allowed it to pass unanimously, then expressed our reservations separately. That’s how diplomacy works.”

On Global Diplomacy

Moussa also reflected on his ties with international counterparts. “I had many friends. Hubert Védrine of France comes to mind immediately. We worked together often. James Baker had stature and presence, though I could criticize him too. Britain’s Jack Straw was important.

Germany’s Green Party foreign minister also played a key role. Some had real weight and strong political theories.”

Of Russia’s long-serving foreign minister, Moussa said: “I’ve known Sergei Lavrov for years, and he remains approachable. He is perhaps less reserved than many of his Western counterparts, warm and skilled at building relationships. He is among the world’s most important foreign ministers.”

He also spoke about his interactions with Henry Kissinger.

“We spoke often, especially about the Palestinian issue. In his later years, he was still listening, processing thoughts, even if less involved in the Middle East. He would hear perspectives from Egyptians and others critical of Israel’s conduct and America’s unconditional support. He understood that, though he wasn’t deeply engaged in his final 10 to 15 years.”

From Literature to Music: A Personal Side

Moussa reflected on the books and music that shaped him. “As a boy, I loved reading. A Tale of Two Cities taught us about life and language. Teachers were cultured and aimed to raise our standards. I also read How to Stop Worrying and Start Living, a translated self-help book. I came to believe worry is actually a useful habit. If you don’t worry, you’ll stumble.”

Asked about poetry, Moussa didn’t hesitate. “Al-Mutanabbi, of course. I still read his work. Also Ahmed Shawqi, and to a lesser extent Nizar Qabbani. Al-Mutanabbi was always relevant. Former Libyan foreign minister Abdel Rahman Shalgham never traveled without his Diwan (collection). When he was troubled, he’d read aloud from it. And Jean Obeid from Lebanon was deeply versed in Arabic literature—we had long, enriching conversations. It was a joy to listen to or recite Al-Mutanabbi.”

Moussa also shared his enduring love for classic Arabic music. “I adored Mohamed Abdel Wahab’s songs from an early age, especially his historical, non-commercial works. Magnificent. I also listen to Umm Kulthum, Fairuz, and folk legends like Sabah Fakhri. That’s real Arab artistry, music with meaning. Abdel Wahab and Umm Kulthum excelled at that, while Qabbani specialized in love. But when it came to national pride, faith, philosophy, and memory, those two giants delivered.”

On Egypt, the Presidency, and Regret

Does he hold any grudges against Egypt? “Not at all. My disappointment is for Egypt, not with it. The country could have been in a vastly different place, if not for 70 years without good governance.”

Did losing the 2012 presidential election leave a scar? “Not in the slightest,” Moussa said. “In fact, I may have thanked God. Before the vote, I realized the Muslim Brotherhood would win, but withdrawing wasn’t an option. When I lost, I held a press conference attended by 100 foreign journalists. Imagine how many would’ve come had I won. I congratulated the victors and called for democracy to prevail.”

He contrasted his response with that of other candidates. “Some went to Tahrir Square and claimed the results were false. That was not my approach. I offered my best wishes and hoped democracy would guide Egypt forward. I hold no bitterness, at least none that I can recall.”