Lebanese Activists Fight Rampant Beachside Development

An area of coast fenced for development near a sea cave off the north Lebanon village of Amchit
JOSEPH EID - AFP
An area of coast fenced for development near a sea cave off the north Lebanon village of Amchit JOSEPH EID - AFP
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Lebanese Activists Fight Rampant Beachside Development

An area of coast fenced for development near a sea cave off the north Lebanon village of Amchit
JOSEPH EID - AFP
An area of coast fenced for development near a sea cave off the north Lebanon village of Amchit JOSEPH EID - AFP

In a pristine patch of Lebanon's north coast, a rare marine visitor has fuelled opposition to a seafront development, in a country where unchecked construction has obstructed access to beaches.

Residents of Amchit say a Mediterranean monk seal sometimes visits the area, taking refuge in the crystal-blue waters of a sea-cave accessible only by wading or paddling between low rocks to reach a tiny, sheltered cove.

But local environmental group Terre Liban has warned that a proposed development on the ground above risks causing the cave to collapse, destroying the secluded site.

"The seal chose this sea-cave because the water is clean" and the covered shore provides a resting place, said Farid Sami Abi Yunes, AFP reported.

The architect, 41, is among those campaigning for the cave to be listed as a nature reserve.

Mediterranean monk seals were once abundant but are now considered endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature, which cites threats including habitat loss.

Abi Yunes, one of those lucky enough to have snapped a picture of the seal while kayaking, said he was determined to protect the area.

"This villa must not be built... over a cave hosting an animal threatened with extinction," he said.

Residents of Amchit accuse the authorities of green-lighting the construction without considering the furry visitor.

Much of Lebanon's seafront is dotted with formal and informal structures and developments, some of them abandoned.

Milad Fakhri from the National Center for Marine Sciences says seals have been seen in Lebanese waters in recent years but "no official study has been carried out" into them.

Many resorts that now restrict access to the coast are unlicensed, built on land that was obtained during the country's 1975-1990 civil war.

Some establishments charge more than $30 a day for entry -- eye-watering prices in a country gripped by a crushing economic crisis.

Local group Nahnoo, which campaigns for the preservation of public spaces, says that more than 80 percent of Lebanon's coast is no longer freely accessible.

The group's president Mohammad Ayoub said most of the rest was effectively unusable because of the dumping of "raw sewage".

Rampant construction isn't new in Lebanon but now "people mobilize more to defend the public domain", Ayoub said.

The space, one of the last public beaches in the area, was formerly home to a civil war-era structure built illegally on the shorefront, said activist Tony Nassif, 26.

"We found out recently that the owner wanted to develop" the structure, effectively taking over the beach, Nassif said.

So "we decided to get together to demand it be demolished," he told AFP, pointing to the empty space now free for beachgoers.

Last month in Naqura on Lebanon's south coast, environmental groups including Nahnoo managed to stop preparatory development work at another seafront site.

Elsewhere, however, swimmers and sunbathers have already been pushed out.

Karl Metrebian, 32, said he changed beaches after the one he went to for years in Kfarabida was privatised.

"Everywhere in the world the coast is free," said Metrebian, who works in the entertainment industry. "Why should it be different here?"

Nahnoo's Clara Khoury accused authorities of turning a blind eye to coastal developments that blocked public access.

"In Lebanon unfortunately, when people have influence, the state makes exceptions," she alleged.



Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
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Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP

By casting doubt on the world order, Donald Trump risks dragging the globe back into an era where great powers impose their imperial will on the weak, analysts warn.
Russia wants Ukraine, China demands Taiwan and now the US president seems to be following suit, whether by coveting Canada as the "51st US state", insisting "we've got to have" Greenland or kicking Chinese interests out of the Panama Canal.
Where the United States once defended state sovereignty and international law, Trump's disregard for his neighbors' borders and expansionist ambitions mark a return to the days when the world was carved up into spheres of influence.
As recently as Wednesday, US defense secretary Pete Hegseth floated the idea of an American military base to secure the Panama Canal, a strategic waterway controlled by the United States until 1999 which Trump's administration has vowed to "take back".
Hegseth's comments came nearly 35 years after the United States invaded to topple Panama's dictator Manuel Noriega, harking back to when successive US administrations viewed Latin America as "America's backyard".
"The Trump 2.0 administration is largely accepting the familiar great power claim to 'spheres of influence'," Professor Gregory O. Hall, of the University of Kentucky, told AFP.
Indian diplomat Jawed Ashraf warned that by "speaking openly about Greenland, Canada, Panama Canal", "the new administration may have accelerated the slide" towards a return to great power domination.
The empire strikes back
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has posed as the custodian of an international order "based on the ideas of countries' equal sovereignty and territorial integrity", said American researcher Jeffrey Mankoff, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
But those principles run counter to how Russia and China see their own interests, according to the author of "Empires of Eurasia: how imperial legacies shape international security".
Both countries are "themselves products of empires and continue to function in many ways like empires", seeking to throw their weight around for reasons of prestige, power or protection, Mankoff said.
That is not to say that spheres of influence disappeared with the fall of the Soviet Union.
"Even then, the US and Western allies sought to expand their sphere of influence eastward into what was the erstwhile Soviet and then the Russian sphere of influence," Ashraf, a former adviser to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, pointed out.
But until the return of Trump, the United States exploited its position as the "policeman of the world" to ward off imperial ambitions while pushing its own interests.
Now that Trump appears to view the cost of upholding a rules-based order challenged by its rivals and increasingly criticized in the rest of the world as too expensive, the United States is contributing to the cracks in the facade with Russia and China's help.
And as the international order weakens, the great powers "see opportunities to once again behave in an imperial way", said Mankoff.
Yalta yet again
As at Yalta in 1945, when the United States and the Soviet Union divided the post-World War II world between their respective zones of influence, Washington, Beijing and Moscow could again agree to carve up the globe anew.
"Improved ties between the United States and its great-power rivals, Russia and China, appear to be imminent," Derek Grossman, of the United States' RAND Corporation think tank, said in March.
But the haggling over who gets dominance over what and where would likely come at the expense of other countries.
"Today's major powers are seeking to negotiate a new global order primarily with each other," Monica Toft, professor of international relations at Tufts University in Massachusets wrote in the journal Foreign Affairs.
"In a scenario in which the United States, China, and Russia all agree that they have a vital interest in avoiding a nuclear war, acknowledging each other's spheres of influence can serve as a mechanism to deter escalation," Toft said.
If that were the case, "negotiations to end the war in Ukraine could resemble a new Yalta", she added.
Yet the thought of a Ukraine deemed by Trump to be in Russia's sphere is likely to send shivers down the spines of many in Europe -- not least in Ukraine itself.
"The success or failure of Ukraine to defend its sovereignty is going to have a lot of impact in terms of what the global system ends up looking like a generation from now," Mankoff said.
"So it's important for countries that have the ability and want to uphold an anti-imperial version of international order to assist Ukraine," he added -- pointing the finger at Europe.
"In Trump's world, Europeans need their own sphere of influence," said Rym Momtaz, a researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for Peace.
"For former imperial powers, Europeans seem strangely on the backfoot as nineteenth century spheres of influence come back as the organising principle of global affairs."