Lebanon Turns into Haven for Lebanese Fugitives Wanted Abroad

Lebanon's Central Bank Governor, Riad Salameh (C), greets employees on his last working day as the head of the Central Bank in Beirut, Lebanon, 31 July 2023. (EPA)
Lebanon's Central Bank Governor, Riad Salameh (C), greets employees on his last working day as the head of the Central Bank in Beirut, Lebanon, 31 July 2023. (EPA)
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Lebanon Turns into Haven for Lebanese Fugitives Wanted Abroad

Lebanon's Central Bank Governor, Riad Salameh (C), greets employees on his last working day as the head of the Central Bank in Beirut, Lebanon, 31 July 2023. (EPA)
Lebanon's Central Bank Governor, Riad Salameh (C), greets employees on his last working day as the head of the Central Bank in Beirut, Lebanon, 31 July 2023. (EPA)

Lebanon has become a haven for Lebanese fugitives wanted by international law. These fugitives are often dual nationals and take advantage of a Lebanese law that bars their extradition to the countries where they are wanted.

Among the most prominent fugitives are former Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh, who is wanted in Europe, and former Nissan boss Carlos Ghosn, who is wanted in Japan.

They also include Hezbollah members wanted by the United States and who have been sanctioned by Washington, as well as party members wanted by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon that was looking into the 2005 assassination of Lebanese former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.

The STL used to send monthly requests to Lebanon demanding the arrest of the fugitives while authorities have constantly replied that they could not find them.

As for Salameh and Ghosn, judicial sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Lebanon refuses to turn them over because they have the Lebanese nationality.

In such cases, when proven that the crimes they are wanted for are “serious”, then they would be put on trial in Lebanon because the local judiciary alone has the jurisdiction to try any citizen, even if they have committed a crime abroad, explained the source.

According to Lebanese law, a Lebanese dual national cannot be extradited even if they are wanted by the country of their second nationality, it added.

The law has been criticized, with claims that it actually protects fugitives from international prosecution.

Former general prosecutor Hatem Madi refused to describe Lebanon as a haven for international fugitives.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat: “Lebanon is a member of Interpol, and it is obligated to turn over wanted foreign suspects when it receives a notice.”

Only Lebanese nationals and dual nationals are exempt from the Interpol law, he went on to say.

The state doesn’t turn over its citizens, but it puts them on trial before Lebanese courts, Madi said.

Furthermore, he explained that Lebanese law bars international fugitives from entering Lebanon, but some have ended up secretly entering the country. In such cases, the security agencies would be tasked with finding and arresting them.

The majority of international fugitives have been deported to the countries where they are wanted. Cases are weighed by the government, which has the authority to demand that the fugitives be arrested. The request is then referred to the judiciary for review before being passed on again to the government, which weighs the “political and sovereign” implications of the arrest.

Only then will it decide whether to go ahead with an arrest or not.

Contrary to Lebanese nationals, Lebanon has never wavered in turning over foreign fugitives.

The latest such case was the deportation of an Italian, who was wanted by Interpol for his involvement in drug smuggling between Europe and Africa.

At the time, public prosecutor Ghassan Ouweidat had issued a warrant for his arrest, which was approved by caretaker Justice Minister Henri Khoury.

Another case dates back two decades when Germany requested the arrest of Palestinians in Lebanon who were wanted for a café bombing in Germany that left five people dead.

Initially, Lebanon had refused to deport them because they did not hold the nationality of any country, recalled Madi.

They were tried and acquitted by a Lebanese court, but it was revealed that the government later ended up deporting them to Germany, he added.



What Message is Hamas Sending by Resuming Rocket Fire on Israel?

Emergency personnel work at an impact scene following a hit by a rocket fired from the Gaza strip towards Israel, in Ashkelon, Israel April 6, 2025. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
Emergency personnel work at an impact scene following a hit by a rocket fired from the Gaza strip towards Israel, in Ashkelon, Israel April 6, 2025. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
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What Message is Hamas Sending by Resuming Rocket Fire on Israel?

Emergency personnel work at an impact scene following a hit by a rocket fired from the Gaza strip towards Israel, in Ashkelon, Israel April 6, 2025. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
Emergency personnel work at an impact scene following a hit by a rocket fired from the Gaza strip towards Israel, in Ashkelon, Israel April 6, 2025. REUTERS/Amir Cohen

The launch of 10 rockets by Hamas’s armed wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, toward Israel on Sunday surprised many observers, marking a sharp escalation in rocket fire that had largely been limited to one or two missiles since Israel broke a truce on March 18.

Most recent rocket attacks were believed to have come from the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, but Sunday’s barrage was claimed by Hamas, signaling a possible shift in the dynamics of the conflict.

According to Israeli claims, the rockets were fired from the al-Zawaida area, north of Deir al-Balah in central Gaza. However, field sources told Asharq Al-Awsat the rockets were launched from a different location — one that has rarely been used for such operations.

The recent rocket barrage by Hamas may have carried a deeper strategic message, the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat, suggesting the attack was intended to raise questions within Israel about the group’s ability to access its missile arsenal — or hint at a regained capacity to manufacture rockets.

Hamas sources declined to specify when the rockets used in the latest attack were produced but stressed that the decision to launch was shaped primarily by field conditions and the assessment of fighters and commanders on the ground.

“At times, we aim to send specific political messages,” said a Hamas source, who requested anonymity.

“For example, we want to underline that Israel has failed to defeat the movement and its military wing, despite carrying out assassinations of senior and field-level commanders,” they added.

Hamas has denied that its latest rocket barrage was a direct response to the recent assassinations of senior figures, saying the attack was part of its broader reaction to what it described as “ongoing massacres” committed by Israel against the Palestinian people.

“This was a routine response within the framework of confronting continuous Israeli aggression,” the Hamas source told Asharq Al-Awsat, rejecting suggestions that the assault was linked to specific events.

The timing of the rocket fire raised eyebrows, coming just hours after a rare protest in Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza, where demonstrators chanted against Hamas, condemned the rocket attacks, and demanded an end to the war.

Protesters also called for Hamas to relinquish control of the Gaza Strip and stop speaking on behalf of its residents.

Asked whether the barrage was meant to send a message to a restless population, Hamas sources denied any connection.

“The rocket fire had nothing to do with the protest in Jabalia,” one source said, pointing to similar demonstrations in recent weeks that were not followed by rocket launches.

When pressed about the implications of such protests for the group’s future in Gaza, the source said internal discussions had taken place.

“The movement recognizes people’s right to express themselves — but not at the expense of the resistance,” the source said.

“There must be clear national guidelines that prioritize ending the war while preserving the legitimacy of the resistance,” they added.

Gaza Governance

Hamas also pushed back against accusations that it is clinging to power in Gaza, placing blame on rival faction Fatah and Israel for blocking proposals aimed at resolving the territory’s political deadlock.

“Hamas has no issue stepping down from governing Gaza,” a source said. “The real obstacle lies with others who have rejected every proposal laid on the table.”

The source pointed to a proposed community support committee, formed with Egyptian mediation, which was meant to take over governance duties. “We showed maximum flexibility, but neither Fatah nor Israel accepted this mechanism,” the source added.

As for whether stepping down from power could weaken Hamas's influence in Gaza, the source appeared unconcerned. “The movement is confident in its endurance,” the source said.

“Even if Hamas relinquishes control and enters a long-term ceasefire, it will continue to exist and maintain its presence,” they affirmed.

A Fatah delegation had held talks with Egypt’s Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty two days ago, focusing primarily on internal Palestinian reconciliation and the future governance of Gaza, as Hamas signaled readiness to hand over administrative responsibilities to a proposed community support committee.

Multiple Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group had informed Egyptian officials of its willingness to allow a minister from the Palestinian Authority’s Ramallah-based government to head the committee, with a deputy from Gaza appointed to assist.

A Hamas delegation is expected to travel to Cairo in the coming days to continue discussions with Egyptian officials on the evolving plans for Gaza’s administration and broader efforts to resolve the internal Palestinian divide.