‘Al-Aqsa Flood’ Damages Türkiye's Ties with Hamashttps://english.aawsat.com/features/4626926-%E2%80%98al-aqsa-flood%E2%80%99-damages-t%C3%BCrkiyes-ties-hamas
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh meet in Ankara. (Turkish presidency file photo)
Hamas’ Al-Aqsa Flood operation appears to have damaged the Palestinian movement’s ties with Türkiye.
Reports had emerged that Türkiye had called on Hamas to leave the country in wake of the movement’s October 7 operation against Israel.
In a tweet on Monday, the Turkish presidency’s bulletin to combat disinformation denied the reports. It also attached a report by Al Monitor that spoke of Türkiye's “polite” request to Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh and other members of the movement to leave the country.
Haniyeh has split his voluntary exile from the Palestinian territories in Qatar and Türkiye. He was in Türkiye when the October 7 operation took place.
Reports said that representatives of Turkish intelligence soon met with Hamas officials to inform them that Turkish authorities would no longer be able to ensure their security in wake of Israeli threats. Soon after, Hamas officials decided to voluntarily leave Türkiye.
Turkish reporter Murat Yetkin noted that the presidency’s denial was only posted in Arabic, not Turkish, meaning Ankara wanted to deliver a message to the Arab street, while also concealing the issue from the Turkish public.
He added that Hamas seems to have erred when it believed that attacking Israeli civilians would not damage relations with Ankara, which has condemned the killing of civilians on both sides of the conflict.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan had expressed his rejection of the killing of any civilians, calling on Israel and Hamas to show restraint.
“We oppose indiscriminate acts against Israeli civilians and the two parties must respect the rules of war,” he urged.
Türkiye’s position angered Hamas and other Palestinian groups, noting that Erdogan’s latest position stands in contrast to his previous ones that were aligned with their cause. They noted that his recent calm stance does not serve the Palestinian cause.
Israel, meanwhile, has opposed Türkiye playing a mediator role to end the crisis with Hamas. Israel’s ambassador to Ankara said Türkiye cannot act as a mediator because it sometimes hosts prominent Hamas member Saleh al-Arouri, who “should be tried for crimes against humanity.”
Turkish sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Ankara “could not justify the killing of civilians by Hamas, while also condemning Israel’s barbaric killing of civilians.” They added that Ankara was angered by the death of Israeli civilians in Hamas’ attack.
Yetkin said, however, that Ankara has not severed its relations with Hamas. Erdogan held a telephone call with Haniyeh on Saturday to discuss the release of hostages, a ceasefire and delivery of aid to civilians. He then held talks with NATO chief Jens Stoltenberg to discuss Gaza.
Yetkin added that the United States and European Union probably expect Türkiye, Egypt and Qatar to play a role in the release of hostages held by Hamas, while still also opposing contacts with the movement.
The Palestinian movement’s attack had put Türkiye in a difficult position in balancing its foreign relations.
The Al Monitor report, by Turkish journalist Fehim Tastekin, said Türkiye “has been trying to carefully calibrate its stance in the face of the war (...), maintaining its advocacy of the Palestinian cause while cooling ties with Hamas and seeking to avoid a fresh fallout with Israel.”
It noted that “the crisis hit at a time when Erdogan is pursuing normalization with regional powers, including Israel.”
“At first glance, one could suggest that the Erdogan government’s close relations with Hamas have now driven it into a corner. Moreover, one could expect growing US pressure on Ankara to sever ties with Hamas after the dust settles,” it added.
Türkiye has been seeking to normalize relations with Israel after years of tensions. Erdogan met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly on September 20 for the first time in years.
Moreover, Hamas’ attack derailed a visit to Israel by Turkish Energy Minister Alparslan Bayraktar, who was expected to discuss a pipeline deal that would have carried natural gas from Israel to Europe through Türkiye.
Hamas’ attack has even led to criticism from Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP). For the first time, journalists in pro-AKP media have described Hamas’ attack as “terrorist” and a “war crime”, saying its practices were no different than the repeated Israeli violations against the Palestinians.
However, the Israeli escalation in Gaza and disproportionate response, attacks on hospitals, schools and places of worship, as well as Washington’s green light for Israel to continue its operation, have sparked condemnation in Türkiye.
Anger against Israel has been expressed by the Turkish street, prompting Israel to pull out its diplomats from Türkiye for security reasons. The AKP is also planning to hold a rally in Istanbul on Saturday in solidarity with Gaza.
Amine Gemayel to Asharq Al-Awsat: At Saddam’s Request, I Tried to Prevent the American War on Iraq https://english.aawsat.com/features/5132532-amine-gemayel-asharq-al-awsat-saddam%E2%80%99s-request-i-tried-prevent-american-war-iraq%C2%A0
Amine Gemayel to Asharq Al-Awsat: At Saddam’s Request, I Tried to Prevent the American War on Iraq
Gemayel maintained good relations with Saudi leaders from the era of King Faisal to that of King Salman. (Courtesy of Amine Gemayel)
Lebanese former President Amine Gemayel’s term (1982–1988) was difficult and turbulent. The Lebanese people were divided, and regional and international conflicts over Lebanon intensified. His presidency began amid the aftermath of the Israeli invasion of Beirut and the assassination of his brother, President-elect Bashir Gemayel. The difficult developments followed swiftly.
In the year following the 1982 invasion, Moscow and Damascus supported Walid Jumblatt, head of the Progressive Socialist Party, sparking the “Mountain War,” which deeply fractured the Druze–Maronite coexistence in the region. In 1984, Damascus backed Nabih Berri, head of the Amal Movement, leading to the “February 6 Intifada,” which shifted the sectarian power balance in Lebanon, which was in the throes of its 1975-1990 civil war.
Another significant event occurred in 1983 when suicide bombers attacked the barracks of the US Marines and French troops in the multinational peacekeeping force, killing hundreds and prompting Western withdrawal. Amid those explosions, Hezbollah was born—a force that would later become the most dominant player in Lebanon, particularly after inheriting Syria’s role there. During Gemayel’s term, Syria attempted to broker a “militia peace,” but the so-called “Tripartite Agreement” collapsed, paving the way for more wars and negotiation rounds.
Gemayel did not surrender to efforts aimed at controlling or isolating his presidency. He worked to maintain Lebanon’s relations with the West, strengthened ties with moderate Arab countries, and built relationships with leaders such as Iraq’s Saddam Hussein and Libya’s Moammar al-Gaddafi, as he recounts in the final part of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.
Amine Gemayel sits down for an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Close relationship with Saudi Arabia and its kings
Asked about his relationship with Saudi Arabia, beginning with his visit alongside his father, Pierre, to meet King Faisal bin Abdulaziz, Gemayel said: “I’m proud of that relationship. I’m proud to have met all the kings—from King Faisal to King Salman. There isn’t one of them with whom I didn’t have a close personal relationship, and I take pride in that. Most of them had a special affection for me.”
He added: “At this time in Lebanon’s history, Saudi Arabia is the elder brother. Saudi Arabia never stabbed Lebanon in the back. It was always by Lebanon’s side through good times and bad, offering moral, social, and humanitarian support. You can’t deny that. You have to appreciate and respect those who stood by you in tough times.”
He also recounted a fond memory involving King Salman: “May God prolong his life. When he was governor of Riyadh, I used to visit him regularly. The Riyadh office knew me well. Every time I came to the Kingdom, it was expected that I’d visit the governorate.”
“Once, when I had an appointment with him, he took me to the desert to a camp of his—traditional tents, but inside one of them was a high-tech office with internet and modern communications. He told me he could contact anyone from there at any time. I asked if I could call home. He replied, ‘No.’ I was surprised. Then he said, ‘You can’t call home because your home is here.’ That’s how warm the atmosphere was. I truly appreciated his gesture.”
He continued: “In Lebanon’s difficult days, the Kingdom was always by our side. Even today—despite frustration with Lebanon’s ingratitude or Iranian influence—Saudi Arabia still has Lebanon in its heart. It waited for the first opportunity to return and help. Today’s hope in Lebanon is due to the Kingdom’s full weight and influence, working to restore Lebanon’s institutions and stability.”
Saddam’s armored car
Regarding his relationship with Saddam, Gemayel said: “It was a very warm relationship. I visited him several times in Baghdad. Once, during my presidency, there was an assassination attempt against me. He called and asked, ‘What are you doing about your security? They say you need better protection.’ I told him we were doing our best and relying on God. He said, ‘That’s not good enough—I’ll send you my car.’ The next day, his armored car arrived by plane—fully fortified inside and out.”
That relationship lasted until Saddam’s final days in power. Gemayel recalled: “On the eve of the (American) war, he sent word asking to meet. I went to Baghdad. He told me, ‘Things aren’t going well with the Americans. You have good relations with them—can you help us understand their intentions?’ I told him the issue was bigger than me. I had good contacts, but not at the presidential level anymore. He asked me to try anyway. So I went to the US, met with some people, but avoided senior officials to avoid media attention.”
Gemayel’s cousin, a top US lawyer with ties to James Baker, helped arrange a meeting: “We met Baker, who was almost retired but still influential. After a few days, he said he saw a glimmer of hope. He jokingly pulled out a stack of one-dollar bills and asked when I was born. I said December 1942. He found a bill with a serial number matching my birthdate, signed it, and gave it to me for luck. I still have it.”
Saddam Hussein welcomes Gemayel in Baghdad. (Courtesy of Amine Gemayel)
“Sadly, it didn’t work. The Americans had made up their minds. Many tried—including the Vatican—but nothing succeeded. Still, it was an effort made at Saddam’s request.”
Gemayel added: “My ties with Saddam and his team, especially Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz, remained very good. Saddam wanted to help Lebanon. But his relationship with (Syrian President) Hafez al-Assad was bad. They had mutual hatred. I still have the armored Mercedes he sent me—top-level protection, still in excellent condition.”
Asked about Saddam’s personal demeanor, Gemayel said: “Very approachable. One-on-one, there was no protocol. He was warm and engaging—you forget he’s this powerful figure. But reaching him was a maze—multiple layers of security and misdirection. You’d think you were meeting Saddam, only to find it was a lookalike. Eventually, you’d be taken to a modest house far from the airport, where the real Saddam would be waiting.”
On Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, he said: “Kuwait’s issue with Iraq is old, like Lebanon’s issue with Syria. But historical claims don’t justify violating sovereignty or erasing borders. Despite my personal ties with Saddam, we strongly opposed the invasion of Kuwait—a country with excellent relations with Lebanon. Just as we rejected Assad’s plans to annex Lebanon to Syria, we rejected Saddam’s attempt to annex Kuwait.”
Gemayel and Gaddafi: From estrangement to friendship
Gemayel’s relationship with Gaddafi began with tension but later transformed into friendship. He recalled: “When I became president, Libya, without coordination, sent military forces to Lebanon. That was illegal and against Arab League protocols. I sent Gaddafi a message demanding their withdrawal. He refused and took a hostile media stance. So I cut diplomatic ties with Libya early in my presidency.”
Later, Moroccan King Hassan II helped mediate: “I had a close relationship with King Hassan II. He invited me to a private dinner in Morocco. During the meal, he left twice—unusual for him. The second time, he returned smiling and said, ‘Gaddafi is on the phone—he wants to meet you.’ I was surprised and hesitant, especially with the issue of Imam Moussa al-Sadr still unresolved. But the king reassured me, saying Gaddafi had promised a new page. He offered his own plane and a senior minister to accompany me to guarantee safety.”
Amine Gemayel had a frosty relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi that turned to friendship. (Courtesy of Amine Gemayel)
They traveled secretly, landed at a military airport in Libya, and met Gaddafi. Gemayel recounted: “He was extremely courteous and warm. We had a long conversation and agreed to reset relations. He asked how Libya could support Lebanon internationally. I thanked him, and flew back to Beirut.”
“But during our flight, Israeli radio reported that my plane had disappeared en route from Morocco. Panic erupted in Beirut—emergency meetings, calls to the US, plans to file complaints at the UN and Arab League. My wife was informed. She calmly said, ‘I’m not worried. Amine does these things—there must be good behind it.’ Eventually, the king reassured everyone I was fine.”
After that, Gemayel and Gaddafi maintained a cordial relationship: “He would often insist I visit. During the Arab Summit in Algiers, our seats were side by side. Gaddafi wanted a statement condemning the US raid on Tripoli that killed his adopted daughter. I proposed he draft a statement to be added to the final communiqué. I wrote it for him. He loved it.”
“There was also an issue with his tent. He refused to stay in a hotel and insisted on his tent. Algerian security and President Chadli Benjedid objected. Gaddafi threatened to leave. I mediated, and in the end, he sent the tent as a gift to my plane.”
Gaddafi never discussed the disappearance of al-Sadr with Gemayel. Gemayel said Syrian intelligence had reportedly played a role in the disappearance, as it controlled Libyan airports at the time. The mass popularity of al-Sadr was said to have disturbed the Syrian regime because his vision for Lebanon’s Shiites conflicted with Syria’s agenda.
Despite all the hardships of his presidency, Gemayel said he harbors no bitterness: “I have peace of mind knowing I stayed true to national principles and did my best.”
He expressed satisfaction with his son Sami Gemayel’s political path as a lawmaker and head of the Kataeb Party, and praised President Joseph Aoun’s guidance of the army and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam’s professional record—wishing success for the current leadership in Lebanon.
