King Abdulaziz's Final Months: Key Decisions Shaping State, Institutions, and Enduring Legacy

King Abdulaziz in a military parade in Taif, Saudi Arabia (Asharq Al-Awsat)
King Abdulaziz in a military parade in Taif, Saudi Arabia (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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King Abdulaziz's Final Months: Key Decisions Shaping State, Institutions, and Enduring Legacy

King Abdulaziz in a military parade in Taif, Saudi Arabia (Asharq Al-Awsat)
King Abdulaziz in a military parade in Taif, Saudi Arabia (Asharq Al-Awsat)

For decades, the history of King Abdulaziz has captivated historians and researchers of diverse backgrounds and nationalities.

Dozens of research papers, studies, and writings have explored various facets of this history, encompassing not only the political career of the king but also delving into his leadership persona, strategic thinking, military prowess, and visionary aspirations.

It is not merely the history of a monarch but rather the history of a kingdom and the chronicle of a nation.

The writer and diplomat, Khair al-Din al-Zarkali, vividly illustrates how, in less than 50 years, “one man succeeded in establishing what 12 centuries failed to create or bring forth between the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf.”

Al-Zarkali describes this achievement as the unification of emirates, the formation of a nation, the construction of a state, and the establishment of a civilization.

Furthermore, the Saudi author and historian, Mohammed Hussein Zaidan, adds, “King Abdulaziz is the crown jewel of his era. He restored dignity to the Arabian Peninsula within the grand entity.”

British writer and journalist, Cecil Roberts, explains how “King Abdulaziz filled a significant void in history, extending his reign over an expanse comparable to the combined territories of England, France, and Germany.”

“He acquired a kingdom with his sword and secured its protection through politics,” adds Roberts.

It is likely that the king, who lived for approximately 80 years, was born in 1876 in Riyadh, while his death was recorded on 9 November 1953 in Taif.

Despite seven decades having passed since his departure, numerous details surrounding that event require clarification, some demand elucidation, and others necessitate correction.

In addition to these, there is a need for careful scrutiny, verification, and documenting the facts surrounding the king’s death and the official and popular reactions it elicited.

King Abdulaziz was not just a ruler; he was a bearer of a message, a catalyst for progress, a nation-builder, and a unifier of the people.

Documentation and record-keeping also call for an examination of how the sons of King Abdulaziz dealt with this tragic event.

Despite their profound loss, their monumental task of assuming governance responsibilities, orchestrating the transition of power, ensuring the country's stability, and managing state affairs has not received its due share of documentation.

What constitutionalists commonly term as the “power vacuum” in many cases, especially during critical times in a nation’s history, is undoubtedly one of the moments unknown to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia throughout its history.

The reason for this lies in the institutionalized governance framework and constitutional precedents established, with King Abdulaziz taking meticulous measures in the last three months of his life, as depicted in this work.

This November marks the 70th anniversary of King Abdulaziz’s passing.

The throngs that gathered at Riyadh Airport square on the dawn of Saturday, on August 8, 1953, to bid farewell to the founding king were unaware that it would be their final farewell.

At that dawn, the king concluded his prayers, exited from the Murabba Palace for the last time, heading to the airport.

Signs of aging were evident, having been unable to walk for about eight years and relying on a “horse,” a wheelchair gifted to him by the US President Franklin Roosevelt.

In a surge of emotions, Saudi writer and educator Mr. Ahmed Ali Al-Kazimi vividly describes the encounter with the king in 1950.

“We entered the council before the king, and after a while, His Majesty arrived riding a small, beautiful carriage with two large wheels at the back and two small wheels at the front. Above his head was a canopy pushed by one of the attendants,” recounts Al-Kazimi.

“Seeing him in this carriage brought back many memories to my mind, memories of shadows and dreams, all indicating the blessings that accompanied this man throughout his life, from the moment he set out to reclaim the kingdom of his forefathers,” he adds.

The king affectionately named his carriage the “horse” and favored its use.

This decision allowed him to forego walking as he aged and battled with arterial sclerosis, lack of sleep, and stress from overseeing state affairs.

He slept no more than 4 to 6 hours a day and suffered from several episodes that affected his health.

Yet, the king’s charisma, regal presence, and strength remained undiminished, accompanied by the enduring love of the faithful people.

Despite his health challenges, the king was determined to travel to Taif to personally oversee the Hajj season that year.

As the sun rose, the royal plane, a “DC-4 Sky Master,” departed Riyadh around 5:30 AM.

The sunrise seemingly mirrored the dawn of King Abdulaziz's era over Riyadh more than 50 years earlier, marking the unification of the peninsula and the establishment of his rule after centuries of dispersion.

Many wonder if anyone on that plane ascending to the skies could have foreseen that it was their last journey, and that the sun of King Abdulaziz was bidding farewell amidst the takeoff of a squadron of planes carrying the king’s entourage, princes, senior statesmen, the retinue, and the guard.

At precisely 8:20 AM, the royal plane touched down at Hail Airport.

Crown Prince Prince Saud and Foreign Minister Prince Faisal ascended to greet the arrival of the monarch.

On the airport grounds, crowds assembled, including princes, scholars, ministers, Shura Council members, prominent merchants, military leaders, tribal chiefs, mayors, and a multitude of Saudi citizens.

Subsequently, a military band rendered honors to His Majesty, the royal anthem echoed, and applause filled the airport.

A large pavilion was erected for the reception, drawing crowds from Makkah, Madinah, Jeddah, Taif, and their surroundings, all eager to extend their greetings to the king.

The royal procession then left Hail Airport en route to Taif, with villagers lining the sides of the road, joyfully greeting their revered monarch.

As the procession reached the entrance of Taif, the artillery fired 21 welcoming shots, and young cadets from military schools stood in salute, echoing words of welcome and loyalty.

The crowds, extending from the entrance of Taif to the palace (currently King Faisal Road), lined the route, singing national songs.

Triumphal arches, decorations, and Saudi flags adorned the road, raised in all the streets and markets of Taif.

Upon arrival at the Royal Palace, a military salute was rendered, and the royal anthem was played.

Later that evening, the king received delegations from the people of Taif.

A poem by an esteemed poet was recited during the reception, with the locals delivering their words through the schoolteacher at Al-Aziziya School, Mr. Ahmed Kamal, representing them.

The king’s program continued with the reception of official and popular delegations, and the management of state affairs.

The bustling Royal Palace in the city of Taif continued to be filled every day with delegations from various classes, eager to greet our revered king and welcome his auspicious presence.

His Majesty graciously met with them while attending to the ongoing execution of state affairs, the administration of its high policies, and the guidance of its responsible ministries and departments.

His Majesty efficiently reviewed and summarized matters brought to his attention.

The latest official update on King Abdulaziz’s activities in Taif was his reception of the Grand Mufti, Sheikh Mohammed bin Ibrahim Al Al-Sheikh, on October 10, 1953.

On the same day, the king issued one of his most significant and final royal decrees, forming the Council of Ministers and appointing Crown Prince Prince Saud as its head.

The Crown Prince, in turn, delegated the vice-presidency of the council to Prince Faisal.

King Abdulaziz aimed to solidify the institutional framework of the state before his passing, organizing the governance structure and the hierarchy of succession.

From that point forward until the passing of the founding king, the news prominently focused on the activities of the Crown Prince, who served as the Prime Minister and the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces.

This shift indicated King Abdulaziz’s intention to complete the foundational structure of the state and organize the governance apparatus, setting the stage for a clear succession plan.



To Get Their Own Cash, People in Gaza Must Pay Middlemen a 40% Cut

A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
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To Get Their Own Cash, People in Gaza Must Pay Middlemen a 40% Cut

A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)

Cash is the lifeblood of the Gaza Strip’s shattered economy, and like all other necessities in this war-torn territory — food, fuel, medicine — it is in extremely short supply.

With nearly every bank branch and ATM inoperable, people have become reliant on an unrestrained network of powerful cash brokers to get money for daily expenses and commissions on those transactions have soared to about 40%.

"The people are crying blood because of this," said Ayman al-Dahdouh, a school director living in Gaza City. "It’s suffocating us, starving us."

At a time of surging inflation, high unemployment and dwindling savings, the scarcity of cash has magnified the financial squeeze on families — some of whom have begun to sell their possessions to buy essential goods.

The cash that is available has even lost some of its luster. Palestinians use the Israeli currency, the shekel, for most transactions. Yet with Israel no longer resupplying the territory with newly printed bank notes, merchants are increasingly reluctant to accept frayed bills.

Gaza’s punishing cash crunch has several root causes, experts say.

To curtail Hamas’ ability to purchase weapons and pay its fighters, Israel stopped allowing cash to enter Gaza at the start of the war. Around the same time, many wealthy families in Gaza withdrew their money from banks and then fled the territory. And rising fears about Gaza’s financial system prompted foreign businesses selling goods into the territory to demand cash payments.

As Gaza’s money supply dwindled and civilians’ desperation mounted, cash brokers' commissions — around 5% at the start of the war — skyrocketed.

Someone needing cash transfers money electronically to a broker and moments later is handed a fraction of that amount in bills. Many brokers openly advertise their services, while others are more secretive. Some grocers and retailers have also begun exchanging cash for their customers.

"If I need $60, I need to transfer $100," said Mohammed Basheer al-Farra, who lives in southern Gaza after being displaced from Khan Younis. "This is the only way we can buy essentials, like flour and sugar. We lose nearly half of our money just to be able to spend it."

In 2024, inflation in Gaza surged by 230%, according to the World Bank. It dropped slightly during the ceasefire that began in January, only to shoot up again after Israel backed out of the truce in March.

Cash touches every aspect of life in Gaza

About 80% of people in Gaza were unemployed at the end of 2024, according to the World Bank, and the figure is likely higher now. Those with jobs are mostly paid by direct deposits into their bank accounts.

But "when you want to buy vegetables, food, water, medication -- if you want to take transportation, or you need a blanket, or anything — you must use cash," al-Dahdouh said.

Shahid Ajjour’s family has been living off of savings for two years after the pharmacy and another business they owned were ruined by the war.

"We had to sell everything just to get cash," said Ajjour, who sold her gold to buy flour and canned beans. The family of eight spends the equivalent of $12 every two days on flour; before the war, that cost less than $4.

Sugar is very expensive, costing the equivalent of $80-$100 per kilogram (2.2 pounds), multiple people said; before the war, that cost less than $2.

Gasoline is about $25 a liter, or roughly $95 a gallon, when paying the lower, cash price.

Bills are worn and unusable

The bills in Gaza are tattered after 21 months of war.

Money is so fragile, it feels as if it is going to melt in your hands, said Mohammed al-Awini, who lives in a tent camp in southern Gaza.

Small business owners said they were under pressure to ask customers for undamaged cash because their suppliers demand pristine bills from them.

Thaeir Suhwayl, a flour merchant in Deir al-Balah, said his suppliers recently demanded he pay them only with brand new 200-shekel ($60) bank notes, which he said are rare. Most civilians pay him with 20-shekel ($6) notes that are often in poor condition.

On a recent visit to the market, Ajjour transferred the shekel equivalent of around $100 to a cash broker and received around $50 in return. But when she tried to buy some household supplies from a merchant, she was turned away because the bills weren’t in good condition.

"So the worth of your $50 is zero in the end," she said.

This problem has given rise to a new business in Gaza: money repair. It costs between 3 and 10 shekels ($1-$3) to mend old bank notes. But even cash repaired with tape or other means is sometimes rejected.

People are at the mercy of cash brokers

After most of the banks closed in the early days of the war, those with large reserves of cash suddenly had immense power.

"People are at their mercy," said Mahmoud Aqel, who has been displaced from his home in southern Gaza. "No one can stop them."

The war makes it impossible to regulate market prices and exchange rates, said Dalia Alazzeh, an expert in finance and accounting at the University of the West of Scotland. "Nobody can physically monitor what’s happening," Alazzeh said.

A year ago, the Palestine Monetary Authority, the equivalent of a central bank for Gaza and the West Bank, sought to ease the crisis by introducing a digital payment system known as Iburaq. It attracted half a million users, or a quarter of the population, according to the World Bank, but was ultimately undermined by merchants insisting on cash.

Israel sought to ramp up financial pressure on Hamas earlier this year by tightening the distribution of humanitarian aid, which it said was routinely siphoned off by militants and then resold.

Experts said it is unclear if the cash brokers’ activities benefit Hamas, as some Israeli analysts claim.

The war has made it more difficult to determine who is behind all sorts of economic activity in the territory, said Omar Shabaan, director of Palthink for Strategic Studies, a Gaza-based think tank.

"It's a dark place now. You don't know who is bringing cigarettes into Gaza," he said, giving just one example. "It's like a mafia."

These same deep-pocketed traders are likely the ones running cash brokerages, and selling basic foodstuffs, he said. "They benefit by imposing these commissions," he said.

Once families run out of cash, they are forced to turn to humanitarian aid.

Al-Farra said that is what prompted him to begin seeking food at an aid distribution center, where it is common for Palestinians to jostle over one other for sacks of flour and boxes of pasta.

"This is the only way I can feed my family," he said.