Iraqi Factions Gear Up for ‘Major Clash’ Amid Concerns Over Tensions with Washington

The funeral procession for members of the Kataeb Hezbollah killed in a US airstrike on “Jurf Al-Sakhr” in Baghdad last November (Reuters)
The funeral procession for members of the Kataeb Hezbollah killed in a US airstrike on “Jurf Al-Sakhr” in Baghdad last November (Reuters)
TT
20

Iraqi Factions Gear Up for ‘Major Clash’ Amid Concerns Over Tensions with Washington

The funeral procession for members of the Kataeb Hezbollah killed in a US airstrike on “Jurf Al-Sakhr” in Baghdad last November (Reuters)
The funeral procession for members of the Kataeb Hezbollah killed in a US airstrike on “Jurf Al-Sakhr” in Baghdad last November (Reuters)

Tensions are escalating in Iraq after the US military struck two sites belonging to the Kataeb Hezbollah paramilitary group. Experts predict Baghdad could turn unfriendly to Washington if forces withdraw due to the rising tensions.

Following the airstrike, the Iraqi government vowed to “protect the Iraqi people” and labeled the attack on the army and Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) as “aggressive.”

Sources reveal that Iraqi armed factions are gearing up for a significant confrontation with US forces.

On Wednesday, US forces targeted Kataeb Hezbollah sites in response to attacks by the Iranian-backed militia, including the assault on the Ain Al-Asad Air Base on January 20.

US Central Command (CENTCOM) reported conducting airstrikes on three facilities used by Iran-affiliated militias in Iraq.

Last Saturday, the US military disclosed that Iran-backed factions launched “multiple ballistic missiles” at Ain Al-Asad, causing one Iraqi casualty and potential injuries among US forces.

The situation is rapidly evolving, heightening tensions between the US and factions in the region.

While factions didn’t disclose their losses from the recent US attack on two locations, sources confirmed injuries in Najaf.

In Al-Qaim, one member of the PMF was reported dead.

There are unverified reports on Iraqi and Arab militants’ deaths in the US strike on Jurf Al-Sakhr.

Significant material and human losses have been reported, confirmed an Iraqi officer, who requested anonymity.

The factions in Jurf Al-Sakhr, previously a battleground against ISIS, keep their activities secret and restrict journalist access.

The US views Jurf Al-Sakhr as a hub for Iranian-backed Iraqi factions, housing training centers, weapon depots, and missile facilities.

As Shiite forces push for the removal of US troops from Iraq, experts worry about the potential consequences if this decision is made amid escalating tensions.

Ihsan Faily, a political science professor at Mustansiriya University, believes it’s too early to talk about a quick US withdrawal from Iraq.

Faily notes that there is no national political consensus for the US withdrawal, despite a past recommendation from the parliament.

The professor argues that what might happen after the withdrawal, especially regarding the economic impact due to the dollar crisis, is concerning.

With Washington controlling oil revenue and potential political fallout, Iraq risks losing its ties with the West.

Faily explains, “If the Americans leave, Arab and foreign embassies might also depart, along with NATO forces, and Iraq could face sanctions as a country diverging from the international order.”



Jenin Camp: A War on People, Not Just Gunmen

Israeli army drops leaflets over Jenin refugee camp (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Israeli army drops leaflets over Jenin refugee camp (Asharq Al-Awsat)
TT
20

Jenin Camp: A War on People, Not Just Gunmen

Israeli army drops leaflets over Jenin refugee camp (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Israeli army drops leaflets over Jenin refugee camp (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Mahmoud Al-Rakh hesitated before setting foot in the Jenin refugee camp where he was born and raised—now reduced to rubble and a death trap by Israeli forces.

After much deliberation, he finally mustered the courage to enter, slipping in under the cover of a group of journalists who, after lengthy discussions, had also decided to venture inside. They all knew the risks: gunfire, injury, arrest, or even death.

The road leading from Jenin’s famous Cinema Roundabout to the camp’s entrance offered a grim preview of what lay ahead. Near the government hospital at the street’s end, heavily armed Israeli soldiers had turned the camp’s main entrance into a military outpost.

But local residents, camp youths, and journalists advised that there was another way in—through the back of the hospital. What they found inside was nothing short of shocking.

There was no one in Jenin. No authorities, no residents, no fighters. As the saying goes, you could hear a pin drop.

Only Israeli soldiers remained, standing amid the vast rubble—silent witnesses to a history of resilience, battles, lives, and untold stories. They lurked in wait, and it seemed their ultimate vision was to erase Palestinian presence and claim the place as their own.

In the distance, visitors can spot signs planted by Israeli soldiers, bearing Hebrew names like “Yair Axis”—a desperate attempt to impose new identities on the land.

Israel’s campaign was not merely a fight against armed militants. It was a war on the land, the people, history, the present, and even the Palestinian narrative.

Israel’s military assault on the Jenin refugee camp, launched on January 21, marked the beginning of an expanded campaign across the West Bank after officially designating it a war zone.

Dubbed operation “Iron Wall,” the assault signaled a shift in Israel’s approach, drawing clear parallels to its 2002 operation during the Second Intifada, when it swept through the entire West Bank.

The latest offensive began with drone strikes targeting infrastructure in Jenin, followed by a large-scale ground invasion involving special forces, Shin Bet operatives, and military police. Aerial bombardments continued throughout the operation.

Twenty-five days later, Israel had killed 26 Palestinians, wounded dozens, and forcibly displaced all 20,000 residents—every single one.

Asharq Al-Awsat asked journalist Ahmed Al-Shawish about what the Israelis are doing inside the camp now.

He replied that Israeli forces were setting up permanent military outposts in areas inaccessible to us—a confirmation of the defense minister’s earlier statement that they had no plans to withdraw.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu personally announced the operation, saying it had been approved by the security cabinet as “another step toward achieving our goal: strengthening security in the West Bank.”

He added: “We are systematically and decisively acting against Iran’s axis—whether in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, or the West Bank.”

The decision to attack Jenin had already been made; the timing was the only question.

Israeli leaders waited for the Gaza ceasefire to take hold, then shifted focus to the West Bank three days later.

Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar had advised the security cabinet that broader measures were needed to reshape the situation and eliminate militant groups in the West Bank.

He warned against complacency, arguing that the recent drop in attacks was “misleading and deceptive” and did not reflect the true scale of what he called “the growing terrorist threat on the ground.”