Iran Presidential Candidate Jalili Is Fiercely Loyal to Khamenei

Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili votes at a polling station in a snap presidential election to choose a successor to Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash, in Tehran, Iran June 28, 2024. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili votes at a polling station in a snap presidential election to choose a successor to Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash, in Tehran, Iran June 28, 2024. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
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Iran Presidential Candidate Jalili Is Fiercely Loyal to Khamenei

Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili votes at a polling station in a snap presidential election to choose a successor to Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash, in Tehran, Iran June 28, 2024. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili votes at a polling station in a snap presidential election to choose a successor to Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash, in Tehran, Iran June 28, 2024. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

Saeed Jalili, a zealous ideologue loyal to Iran's supreme leader, plans to resolve the country's social, political and economic ills by adhering rigidly to the hardline ideals of the 1979 revolution if he wins the country's presidential election.

Jalili was narrowly beaten in Friday's first round vote by moderate Massoud Pezeshkian but the two men will now face a run-off election on July 5, since Pezeshkian did not secure the majority of 50% plus one vote of ballots cast needed to win outright.

Jalili, a former diplomat, describes himself as a pious believer in "velayat-e faqih", or rule by supreme jurisprudence, the system of Islamic government that provides the basis for Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's paramount position.

His staunch defense of the 45-year-old revolution appears designed to appeal to hardline, religiously-devout lower-income voters but offered little to young and urban Iranians frustrated by curbs on political and social freedoms.

Once Iran's top nuclear negotiator, Jalili, 58, was one of four candidates in the election for a successor to Ebrahim Raisi, who was killed in a helicopter crash in May.

He is currently a member of a body that mediates in disputes between parliament and the Guardian Council, a body that screens election candidates for their political and Islamic qualifications.

A staunch anti-Westerner, Jalili's advance to the second round signals the possibility of an even more antagonistic turn in the republic's foreign and domestic policy, analysts said.

Foreign and nuclear policy are the domain of Khamenei, who wields supreme command of the armed forces, has the power to declare war and appoints senior figures including armed forces commanders, judicial heads and the head of the state media.

However, the president can influence the tone of foreign and domestic policy.

Insiders and analysts say Khamenei, 85, seeks a strongly loyal president to run the government day-to-day and to be a trusted ally who can ensure stability, amid maneuvering over the eventual succession to his own position.

UNCOMPROMISING STANCE

Jalili is an opponent of Tehran's 2015 nuclear pact with major powers that was negotiated on the Iranian side by a group of pragmatic officials open to detente with the West.

Then-President Donald Trump reneged on the accord in 2018 and reimposed sanctions that have crippled Iran's economy. With the possible return of Trump to the White House after November's US presidential election and Jalili's possible election win, the deal's resurgence seems improbable.

Before the nuclear pact, Jalili served as Iran's top nuclear negotiator for five years from 2007, a period in which Tehran took a confrontational and uncompromising approach to discussions with global powers about its uranium enrichment program.

In those years, three UN Security Council resolutions were imposed on Iran, and several attempts to resolve the dispute failed.

During the current election campaign, Jalili was heavily criticized in debates on state TV by other candidates for his uncompromising nuclear stance and his opposition to Iran signing up to two conventions on financial crime recommended by the Financial Action Taskforce, an international crime watchdog.

Some hardliners, like Jalili, argue that the acceptance of the Convention on Combating the Financing of Terrorism and the Convention on Combating Transnational Organized Crime could hamper Iran's support for its paramilitary proxies across the region, including Lebanon's Hezbollah.

PRODUCT OF THE REVOLUTION

Jalili has been trying for the presidency for years. He finished third in the 2013 contest, and stood again in 2021 but eventually withdrew to support Raisi.

Born in the city of Mashhad in 1965, Jalili lost his right leg in the 1980s in fighting during the Iran-Iraq war and joined the Foreign Ministry in 1989. Despite his hardline views, he is outwardly soft-spoken.

He gained a doctorate in political science at Imam Sadiq University, a training ground for Iranian leaders.

For four years from 2001, he worked at Khamenei's office.

When hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was elected president in 2005, he chose Jalili to be his adviser, and within months made him deputy foreign minister.

Jalili was appointed in 2007 as the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, a post that automatically made him chief nuclear negotiator.



What’s Happening in Forgotten Gaza?

Fighters from Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades in the Gaza Strip. (Reuters file)
Fighters from Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades in the Gaza Strip. (Reuters file)
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What’s Happening in Forgotten Gaza?

Fighters from Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades in the Gaza Strip. (Reuters file)
Fighters from Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades in the Gaza Strip. (Reuters file)

While the world is focused on the war in Lebanon and its dangers, the situation in Gaza has been largely overlooked.

Despite ongoing suffering, it has received little attention, especially with winter rains approaching, which are adding to the hardships faced by its residents.

Israeli forces are continuing their military operations in Gaza, although they have eased somewhat.

On Tuesday, the Palestinian Ministry of Health reported that Israeli airstrikes led to four massacres in the last 24 hours, killing 23 people and injuring 101.

The latest attack targeted displaced people in the al-Fattah neighborhood, resulting in numerous casualties.

As the conflict enters its 361st day, the toll in Gaza has reached 41,638 dead and 96,460 injured since October 7, worsening the humanitarian crisis.

The Israeli army claims to have destroyed 90% of Hamas’s military capabilities, including half of its tunnels and assassinating several of its leaders.

However, it admitted that Hamas has regained control and is suppressing dissent violently.

Israeli officials allege that Hamas has been monopolizing humanitarian aid entering Gaza, taking a portion for its leaders and selling the rest at high prices.

As a result, the cost of a single cigarette has soared to 20 shekels (about $6), and Hamas still controls smuggling operations for goods through its members in the West Bank.

Goods entering Gaza through private wholesalers face heavy taxes from Hamas. The Israeli army claims that Hamas has set up a trade system with the West Bank and Türkiye, allowing it to pay salaries to its members.

This system enables traders in Gaza to buy goods from the West Bank, with payments processed through Hamas. Money sent from Türkiye is used to pay wholesalers in Hebron or Nablus.

Hamas also posts on Telegram, inviting healthcare workers to Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis to collect their salaries, as well as teachers to specific schools for payment.

Hamas leaders maintain command centers in various neighborhoods, which are known to the public.

Those who go to these centers seeking help may face serious consequences, including detention for questioning, punishment, or even death for minor offenses like theft.

Israeli generals say the failure to recruit local leaders for Gaza is largely due to fear of Hamas’s violent crackdown.

With the Palestinian Authority refusing to take on any responsibilities in the enclave, Hamas remains the only group managing affairs.

In response, Hamas is working to reopen markets, shops, and restaurants selling traditional sweets like knafeh and baklava across Gaza. They are also cleaning streets, removing debris, and improving drainage systems.

In light of the situation, the Israeli army is preparing to appoint a “temporary military governor” to oversee Gaza.

It recognizes that military rule will involve daily interactions with the local population and Hamas operatives, leading to a prolonged occupation and resistance.