Doubts Cast over Hezbollah’s Ability to Wage Wide-scale War against Israel

Hezbollah fighters carry one of the coffins of four fallen comrades who were killed Tuesday after their handheld pagers exploded, in the southern suburb of Beirut, Wednesday, Sept. 18, 2024. (AP)
Hezbollah fighters carry one of the coffins of four fallen comrades who were killed Tuesday after their handheld pagers exploded, in the southern suburb of Beirut, Wednesday, Sept. 18, 2024. (AP)
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Doubts Cast over Hezbollah’s Ability to Wage Wide-scale War against Israel

Hezbollah fighters carry one of the coffins of four fallen comrades who were killed Tuesday after their handheld pagers exploded, in the southern suburb of Beirut, Wednesday, Sept. 18, 2024. (AP)
Hezbollah fighters carry one of the coffins of four fallen comrades who were killed Tuesday after their handheld pagers exploded, in the southern suburb of Beirut, Wednesday, Sept. 18, 2024. (AP)

Israel’s cyberattacks against Hezbollah’s communication network this week has cast doubt on the Iran-backed party’s ability to wage a wide-scale war against Israel in Lebanon.

In an unprecedented attack, Israel blew up Hezbollah radios and pagers across Lebanon, killing 37 people and wounding about 3,000.

The party relied on the network for communications between operation command rooms and fighters and members in the South where Hezbollah has been launching attacks against Israel since October 8 in support of Hamas in Gaza.

Israel dealt Hezbollah a major blow and may use its moment of weakness to launch a broad war against Lebanon and may force the party to reconsider plans it had placed to face any potential escalation in the fighting.

The attack effectively put Hezbollah on the defensive after it was the one who was taking the initiative and launching operations against Israel. Now, it will have to receive blows as Israel turns to its element of surprise in its attacks. Hezbollah, in its weakened state, will have to retaliate to the assaults to save face.

Political activist and Hezbollah opponent Ali al-Amine stressed that Israel succeeded in targeting several thousand Hezbollah leading and middle members in the communications attack.

It managed to neutralize thousands of members and create unprecedented disarray within the party, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Without a doubt, the attack cost the party the ability to launch attacks first. They had less of an impact on its defense capabilities, he stated.

Furthermore, he noted that many observers believed that Tuesday and Wednesday’s attacks may have been a precursor to an Israeli land incursion in southern Lebanon given that Hezbollah’s communication had been compromised.

Since the incursion has not happened, then Israel may not have taken a decision to make such a move. Perhaps it does not want to or is incapable of handling the repercussions of a Lebanon war - one that needs Washington’s approval, he remarked.

At the moment, Israel is prioritizing military operations in Gaza and the West Bank. Lebanon ultimately remains a political, rather than existential, problem, al-Amine explained.

“A ground war is not on the table for Israel,” he went on to say. “We will likely witness a continuation of the security and technological war, with possible air strikes and landing operations in some regions, similar to what happened in Masyaf” in Syria, he added.

Moreover, he noted that Hezbollah has not been and is now not in any position to wage a war or launch an attack. “It can withstand a defensive war and take in the damage it has incurred, but the timing for the ground war has not arrived yet for Israel,” he said.

Israel will continue to work on shattering Hezbollah’s military and security image, which is an ideal scenario for Tel Aviv, he stressed.

Meanwhile, retired general Dr. Hisham Jaber said Hezbollah was indeed dealt a heavy blow this week, but it is working on containing, so it is unlikely to have a dramatic impact on the ground.

He especially noted that 40 percent of the wounded in the attack were not fighters, but members in charge of logistic and administrative services. In addition, their injuries are not severe, and 70 percent of them can be treated in two or three weeks.

Jaber told Asharq Al-Awsat that despite the attack, Hezbollah was still ready for war and capable of repelling any land incursion.

The Israelis themselves said that Hezbollah has only used 20 to 25 percent of its military capabilities since the beginning of the conflict, he remarked.

As for its communications, Hezbollah boasts a fiber network that is still secure and can only be breached by agents, he explained.



Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
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Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP

By casting doubt on the world order, Donald Trump risks dragging the globe back into an era where great powers impose their imperial will on the weak, analysts warn.
Russia wants Ukraine, China demands Taiwan and now the US president seems to be following suit, whether by coveting Canada as the "51st US state", insisting "we've got to have" Greenland or kicking Chinese interests out of the Panama Canal.
Where the United States once defended state sovereignty and international law, Trump's disregard for his neighbors' borders and expansionist ambitions mark a return to the days when the world was carved up into spheres of influence.
As recently as Wednesday, US defense secretary Pete Hegseth floated the idea of an American military base to secure the Panama Canal, a strategic waterway controlled by the United States until 1999 which Trump's administration has vowed to "take back".
Hegseth's comments came nearly 35 years after the United States invaded to topple Panama's dictator Manuel Noriega, harking back to when successive US administrations viewed Latin America as "America's backyard".
"The Trump 2.0 administration is largely accepting the familiar great power claim to 'spheres of influence'," Professor Gregory O. Hall, of the University of Kentucky, told AFP.
Indian diplomat Jawed Ashraf warned that by "speaking openly about Greenland, Canada, Panama Canal", "the new administration may have accelerated the slide" towards a return to great power domination.
The empire strikes back
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has posed as the custodian of an international order "based on the ideas of countries' equal sovereignty and territorial integrity", said American researcher Jeffrey Mankoff, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
But those principles run counter to how Russia and China see their own interests, according to the author of "Empires of Eurasia: how imperial legacies shape international security".
Both countries are "themselves products of empires and continue to function in many ways like empires", seeking to throw their weight around for reasons of prestige, power or protection, Mankoff said.
That is not to say that spheres of influence disappeared with the fall of the Soviet Union.
"Even then, the US and Western allies sought to expand their sphere of influence eastward into what was the erstwhile Soviet and then the Russian sphere of influence," Ashraf, a former adviser to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, pointed out.
But until the return of Trump, the United States exploited its position as the "policeman of the world" to ward off imperial ambitions while pushing its own interests.
Now that Trump appears to view the cost of upholding a rules-based order challenged by its rivals and increasingly criticized in the rest of the world as too expensive, the United States is contributing to the cracks in the facade with Russia and China's help.
And as the international order weakens, the great powers "see opportunities to once again behave in an imperial way", said Mankoff.
Yalta yet again
As at Yalta in 1945, when the United States and the Soviet Union divided the post-World War II world between their respective zones of influence, Washington, Beijing and Moscow could again agree to carve up the globe anew.
"Improved ties between the United States and its great-power rivals, Russia and China, appear to be imminent," Derek Grossman, of the United States' RAND Corporation think tank, said in March.
But the haggling over who gets dominance over what and where would likely come at the expense of other countries.
"Today's major powers are seeking to negotiate a new global order primarily with each other," Monica Toft, professor of international relations at Tufts University in Massachusets wrote in the journal Foreign Affairs.
"In a scenario in which the United States, China, and Russia all agree that they have a vital interest in avoiding a nuclear war, acknowledging each other's spheres of influence can serve as a mechanism to deter escalation," Toft said.
If that were the case, "negotiations to end the war in Ukraine could resemble a new Yalta", she added.
Yet the thought of a Ukraine deemed by Trump to be in Russia's sphere is likely to send shivers down the spines of many in Europe -- not least in Ukraine itself.
"The success or failure of Ukraine to defend its sovereignty is going to have a lot of impact in terms of what the global system ends up looking like a generation from now," Mankoff said.
"So it's important for countries that have the ability and want to uphold an anti-imperial version of international order to assist Ukraine," he added -- pointing the finger at Europe.
"In Trump's world, Europeans need their own sphere of influence," said Rym Momtaz, a researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for Peace.
"For former imperial powers, Europeans seem strangely on the backfoot as nineteenth century spheres of influence come back as the organising principle of global affairs."