British Researcher Urges Coordinated Int’l Pressure to Prevent Sudan’s Fragmentation

Members of Sudan’s armed forces take part in a military parade on Army Day in Gadaref on August 14, 2024. (AFP)
Members of Sudan’s armed forces take part in a military parade on Army Day in Gadaref on August 14, 2024. (AFP)
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British Researcher Urges Coordinated Int’l Pressure to Prevent Sudan’s Fragmentation

Members of Sudan’s armed forces take part in a military parade on Army Day in Gadaref on August 14, 2024. (AFP)
Members of Sudan’s armed forces take part in a military parade on Army Day in Gadaref on August 14, 2024. (AFP)

Coordinated and high-level political attention is paramount to ending the devastating war in Sudan between Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), according to a British researcher.

As the conflict in Sudan escalates, fears are growing that the country could split into conflicting states under two rival governments.

Rosalind Marsden, a British researcher and diplomat said in a report to the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), that 17 months of war in Sudan have resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of civilians and displaced 10 million people – 2 million into neighboring countries and 8 million internally.

She said the war has created the world’s worst hunger crisis, pushing millions to the brink of a man-made famine.

Meanwhile, a series of international mediation efforts have failed to stop the conflict.

According to Marsden, the latest was a US-mediated attempt to restart a stalled ceasefire process in mid-August, aiming to bring together senior delegations from the warring parties – the SAF and the RSF.

Talks in Geneva were intended to achieve a nationwide cessation of hostilities, allowing humanitarian access to all areas of the country, and a robust monitoring and verification mechanism, she said.

The negotiations were co-hosted by Saudi Arabia and Switzerland, with the United Nations, African Union, Egypt and the UAE present as observers.

Some limited progress was made on humanitarian access to Darfur. The SAF agreed to temporarily reopen the Adre border crossing from Chad, which they had arbitrarily shut in February and the RSF unblocked the Al Dabbah route.

Failure of ceasefire talks

Marsden said the main reason for failure of the ceasefire talks is that both the SAF and RSF are still pursuing military victory.

The SAF refused to send a delegation to Geneva, setting unrealistic preconditions and objecting to the presence of the UAE, which they accuse of arming the RSF.

That meant mediators had to communicate virtually with SAF representatives, while conducting in-person talks with the RSF, she noted.

Marsden said that although the SAF is losing on the battlefield, it doesn’t want to negotiate from a position of weakness and has intensified aerial bombing since Geneva.

Its leaders hope that more advanced weaponry from Iran, China, Russia and elsewhere will turn the tide.

SAF Commander General Abdel Fatah al Burhan is also under pressure to continue the war from hardcore Islamists, particularly those with ties to Ali Karti, Secretary-General of the Sudan Islamic Movement and formerly foreign minister under the regime of Omar al-Bashir.

Islamist brigades provide manpower for the SAF, and Islamist control of Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has made the SAF’s diplomatic position hostile to progress, she said.

RSF awaits dry season

The RSF, another creation of the Bashir regime, is also hoping to make further territorial gains once the dry season starts in October, according to Marsden.

They have been more cooperative in international forums, using SAF recalcitrance to pose in a positive light, she said.

During the Geneva talks, they agreed to a code of conduct on the protection of civilians, followed by a directive from their commander, General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti.

But their commitments are severely undermined by their record of atrocities, including ethnically-targeted killing, and expanding attacks on civilians, according to the British researcher.

She said given this stalemate, more pressure is needed on countries fueling the war through military, financial and logistical support to the belligerents.

The recent renewal of the UN Security Council (UNSC) sanctions regime and arms embargo on Darfur, in place since 2005 but never effectively implemented, was a missed opportunity to expand the arms embargo to all of Sudan, given the spread of the conflict and evidence that both warring parties have acquired new weapons from a range of countries.

Robust international action

Marsden said the priority now must be for the UNSC to take more robust action in the face of violations of the existing embargo.

She said sanctions are also needed “against those living in Western democracies who propagate hate speech and call for a continuation of the war.”

At the same time, the US and its partners should continue working with regional actors including Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE to try to leverage their influence on the belligerents and persuade them that everyone loses if the war continues.

In this regard, the newly-formed Aligned for Advancing Liefesaving and Peace in Sudan, which includes the US, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE, the EU and the African Union could be a significant platform.

The high-level segment of the UN General Assembly will also be an important opportunity to reinforce these messages, she said.

Threat of partition

Marsden said Sudan is facing the real possibility of de facto partition under rival governments and even further fragmentation.

An army general recently vowed that it will hold on to power for another 20 years if it wins, while an RSF victory would see the state become a subsidiary of the Dagalo family business empire, she added.

If Sudan’s democracy-supporting civilians want to change these calculations, they need to unite on a common anti-war platform and make their voices central to shaping future peacebuilding efforts, she urged. International support is crucial to enabling that objective.

This means not bestowing legitimacy on either warring party, but elevating the role of civilians in diplomatic initiatives and pressing for a peaceful transition to a democratic, civilian government across the whole country.

If Africa’s third largest country disintegrates, it would have generational impacts for Sudanese. It would also spread instability to its fragile neighbors, and beyond its 800 km Red Sea coastline, Marsden warned.

Sudan can no longer be ignored amidst other global crises. Coordinated and high-level political attention is paramount to ending this devastating war, she demanded.



Lebanon War... Why is it Difficult for Netanyahu and Nasrallah to Back Down?

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. AFP/Reuters
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. AFP/Reuters
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Lebanon War... Why is it Difficult for Netanyahu and Nasrallah to Back Down?

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. AFP/Reuters
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. AFP/Reuters

Informed sources in Beirut told Asharq Al-Awsat that any diplomatic efforts to stop the ongoing war between Israel and Lebanon would face the obstacle of the main parties to the conflict — Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah — finding it difficult to back down.

Why is Netanyahu refusing to back down?

The sources noted that the war in Lebanon has achieved for Netanyahu what he could not accomplish in Gaza. They summarized it as follows:

- Netanyahu framed the war with a unifying message that has gained consensus across the Israeli political spectrum: the return of the northern residents who were displaced after Hezbollah launched cross-border attacks following the Oct. 7 attacks in Gaza. This means that the Israeli military operations enjoy broad political and public backing.

- Netanyahu began the war by striking Hezbollah’s communication networks, inflicting unprecedented losses on the group and sidelining around 1,500 of its members from the battlefield.

- He dealt a near-fatal blow to the leadership of the Radwan Forces, the elite military wing of Hezbollah, managing to eliminate prominent figures, some of whom were listed as US targets due to attacks that occurred in Beirut four decades ago.

- Netanyahu can claim that Hezbollah initiated the war and that Israel’s only demand is the return of northern residents and ensuring their safety.

- Thus, it seems difficult for Netanyahu to back down from the demand of returning the displaced, which practically means disengaging the Lebanese front from the Gaza front.

Why is Nasrallah refusing to back down?

The sources pointed to the following reasons:

- It is hard for Nasrallah to accept a setback in a war that he initiated.

- He also finds it difficult to accept disengagement after Hezbollah has suffered unprecedented losses, unlike anything it faced in its previous confrontations with Israel, including the 2006 war.

- Accepting a setback would signal that Iran is not willing to take concrete steps to confront Israel.

- If Hezbollah agrees to disengage from Gaza without a ceasefire there, many would view the cross-border attacks launched by the party in support of the Palestinian enclave as a reckless gamble.

- A setback for Hezbollah would demoralize the Axis of Resistance and have a ripple effect on Gaza itself.

- Agreeing to a ceasefire without securing even "limited gains" would reinforce the perception that Nasrallah launched a war that most Lebanese reject, and that Hezbollah bears responsibility for the resulting losses.