One Year of War in Gaza: Deadliest Conflict for Reporters

 A child walks through the destruction left by the Israeli air and ground offensive on Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, Thursday, Sept. 12, 2024. (AP)
A child walks through the destruction left by the Israeli air and ground offensive on Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, Thursday, Sept. 12, 2024. (AP)
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One Year of War in Gaza: Deadliest Conflict for Reporters

 A child walks through the destruction left by the Israeli air and ground offensive on Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, Thursday, Sept. 12, 2024. (AP)
A child walks through the destruction left by the Israeli air and ground offensive on Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, Thursday, Sept. 12, 2024. (AP)

Palestinian journalist Islam al-Zaanoun was so determined to cover the war in Gaza that she went back to work two months after giving birth. But, like all journalists in Gaza, she wasn't just covering the story - she was living it.

The 34-year-old, who works for Palestine TV, gave birth to a girl in Gaza city a few weeks after the beginning of the Israeli offensive last October.

She had to have a Caesarean section as Israeli airstrikes pounded the strip. Her doctors performed the operation in the dark with only the lights on their cellphones to guide them.

The next day she went home but the day after that she had to flee the fighting, driving further south with her three children. Nine days after giving birth, she was forced to abandon her car and continue on foot.

"I had to walk eight km (five miles) to get to the south with my children," she said. "There were bodies and corpses everywhere, horrifying sight. I felt my heart was going to stop from the fear."

Just 60 days later, she got back in front of the camera to report on the war, joining the ranks of Palestinian journalists who have provided the world's only window on the conflict in the absence of international media, who have not been granted free access by Israeli authorities.

"Correspondents have reporting in their blood, they don't learn it, so they cannot be far from the coverage too long," al-Zaanoun told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

As of Oct. 4, at least 127 journalists and media workers had been killed since the conflict began, according to the US-based Committee to Protect Journalists.

This has made the past year the deadliest period on record for journalists since the press watchdog started keeping records in 1992.

Press freedom advocacy group Reporters Without Borders has recorded more than 130 Palestinian journalists killed in Gaza in the past year, including at least 32 media workers who it says were directly targeted by Israel.

To date, CPJ has determined that at least five journalists were directly targeted by Israeli forces in killings which CPJ classifies as murders.

They include Reuters journalist Issam Abdallah, 37, who was killed by an Israeli tank crew in southern Lebanon last October, a Reuters investigation has found.

CPJ is still researching the details for confirmation in at least 10 other cases that indicate possible targeting.

Lieutenant Colonel Richard Hecht, the Israel Defense Forces' international spokesman, said at the time of Abdallah's killing: "We don't target journalists." He did not provide further comment.

More than 41,600 people have been killed in Gaza and almost 100,000 have been wounded since Oct. 7, according to Gaza's health ministry.

Israel launched its offensive after Hamas stormed into southern Israel, killing about 1,200 people and taking more than 250 hostage, according to Israeli tallies.

'WHERE IS THE INTERNATIONAL LAW?'

For journalists like al-Zaanoun, the challenges are not limited to staying safe while reporting. Like the rest of the 2.3 million people in the strip, media workers have been displaced multiple times, gone hungry, lacked water and shelter and mourned dead neighbors and friends.

Food is scarce, diapers are expensive, and medicine is lacking, al-Zaanoun said. As well as her professional desire to keep reporting, she needs to put food on the table because her husband has not been able to work since the war started.

"If I don't work, my kids will go hungry," she said.

Like all Gazans, she fears for her safety and does not dare defy Israeli evacuation orders.

"We had no protection really. Had we decided to stay in the northern areas that would have definitely cost us a very high price and that is what happened to our friends," she said.

The Israel-Hamas war falls under a complex international system of justice that has emerged since World War Two, much of it aimed at protecting civilians. Even if states say they are acting in self-defense, international rules regarding armed conflict apply to all participants in a war.

Article 79 of the Geneva Conventions treats journalists working in conflict settings as protected civilians if they don't engage in the fighting.

In March, senior leaders at multiple global media outlets signed a letter urging Israeli authorities to protect journalists in Gaza, saying reporters have been working in unprecedented conditions and faced "grave personal risk".

What CPJ has called "the most dangerous" war for journalists has reverberated across the world, striking fear into reporters who are concerned about the setting of deadly precedents.

Abdalle Ahmed Mumin, a veteran freelance reporter and the secretary general of the Somali Journalists Syndicate, said he had experienced violence before but was shocked by what was happening in Gaza.

"I have been targeted personally myself. I have been detained, I have been unjustly kidnapped several times," he said in an interview with the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

"I know all these things, but I haven't witnessed the kind of brutality that the journalists in Gaza have been going through."

Since 1992, 18 of Mumin's friends and colleagues have been killed in Somalia, where first warlords and later al-Qaeda-linked al Shabaab militants have caused years of conflict.

"I'm scared of being a journalist ... because of the failure of the international protection mechanisms, the failure of the international community," he said. "Where is the international law? Where is the international humanitarian law?"



Iran Confrontation Offers Israel's Netanyahu Path to Erase Oct 7 Stigma, at Least at Home

Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu grimaces after addressing the 79th United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, US, September 27, 2024.  REUTERS/Mike Segar
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu grimaces after addressing the 79th United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, US, September 27, 2024. REUTERS/Mike Segar
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Iran Confrontation Offers Israel's Netanyahu Path to Erase Oct 7 Stigma, at Least at Home

Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu grimaces after addressing the 79th United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, US, September 27, 2024.  REUTERS/Mike Segar
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu grimaces after addressing the 79th United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, US, September 27, 2024. REUTERS/Mike Segar

For Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, confrontation with Iran and its proxies offers the chance of political redemption at home, even at the risk of a regional war, a year after the Oct 7 attack demolished his reputation as a security hawk.
Many Israelis, demoralized by the catastrophic security failures around the deadly attack by Palestinian militant group Hamas, have regained confidence in their military and intelligence apparatus after a series of stunning blows against the Iranian-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon in recent weeks.
A hate figure for the hundreds of thousands of demonstrators who have joined protests worldwide against Israel's war in Gaza over the past year and a frequent irritant even to his closest ally, the United States, Netanyahu has benefited in his own country.
The death of Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah and a top ally of Hamas, in a Sept. 27 Israeli strike in Beirut was greeted with elation in a country still grappling with trauma from Oct. 7 and a year of war in Gaza that has badly dented its reputation abroad, according to Reuters.
Even when a barrage of Iranian missiles sent Israelis piling into bomb shelters last week, Israel's success in intercepting most of the projectiles in coordination with Western allies helped to shore up the country's sense of resilience.
The death of at least nine Israeli soldiers in Lebanon since Israel announced the start of its ground operation on Oct 1 has provided a sobering reminder of the potential dangers ahead.
But Netanyahu, 74, who called Nasrallah's death a "turning point", has led a chorus of statements by Israeli officials in recent days that sought to prepare the population for more war.
"Iran made a big mistake tonight - and it will pay for it," he said at the outset of a political-security meeting after the missile attacks.
According to a survey from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, around 80% of Israelis feel the Lebanon campaign has met or exceeded expectations, although the same survey found disappointment with the campaign in Gaza, with 70% supporting a ceasefire to bring Israeli hostages home.
POLITICAL SURVIVOR
A former member of an elite special forces unit that carried out some of Israel's most daring hostage rescues in the 1970s, Netanyahu has dominated Israeli politics for decades, becoming the country's longest-serving prime minister when he won an unprecedented sixth term in 2022.
His alliance with hard-right national religious parties was key to his victory and he faced some of the biggest protests in Israel's history last year over a package of measures designed to curb the powers of the Supreme Court that drew accusations he was undermining the foundations of the country's democracy. His popularity was further damaged by a trial on corruption charges that he denies.
Since the start of the war, the protests over judicial changes have given way to regular large demonstrations demanding his government do more to bring back the hostages seized by Hamas on Oct. 7, with some protesters suggesting Netanyahu has deliberately kept the war going for his own political ends.
Throughout, Netanyahu has said that only sustained military pressure on Hamas will get the hostages back and he has vowed to continue the war until Hamas is destroyed as a military and governing force in Gaza.
So far, the prime minister has refused to accept personal responsibility for Oct. 7, one of the worst security failures in Israel's history. He has said only that everyone will have to answer difficult questions when the war with Hamas is over, and has dismissed calls to resign and hold early elections.
Outside Israel, he has been the target of protestors outraged by the Israeli military campaign that has laid waste to Gaza and killed nearly 42,000 Palestinians, according to Palestinian health authorities. Foreign governments, including close ally the United States, have been critical of the Gaza campaign and alarmed by the spread of conflict to Lebanon. The International Criminal Court is considering a prosecution request for an arrest warrant against him over alleged war crimes in Gaza, bracketing him with Yahya Sinwar, leader of Hamas, proscribed as a terrorist organization in many Western countries.
At home, while he is one of the most polarizing leaders in Israeli history, such controversies have not hurt his image among his base of right-wing supporters.
Netanyahu himself described the move by the ICC prosecutor as "absurd" and said it was directed against the whole of Israel and antisemitic.
MORTAL ENEMY
Before Israel began its escalated campaign against Hezbollah last month, Netanyahu had already seen his domestic political fortunes recover somewhat during a year of a war against Hamas, a group most Israelis, even on the left, see as a mortal enemy.
Recent opinion polls show his Likud party is once again the strongest party in Israel, even if he might still struggle to form a ruling coalition if an election were held now.
He may not need to however, having brought in former ally-turned-rival Gideon Saar last week into his often fractious government, increasing his majority to a comfortable 68 seats in the 120-seat Knesset.
That may give him some insurance against unruly coalition partners like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, two hardliners from the settler movement who have been consistently unwilling to toe the government line. Having survived being blamed for the worst disaster in Israeli history, he now may even serve out a full term with elections not due until 2026.