Teen Who Sparked Revolt against Assad in Daraa Celebrates His Downfall

Muawiyah could not have foreseen the butterfly effect his simple act of teenage frustration would unleash. (The Independent)
Muawiyah could not have foreseen the butterfly effect his simple act of teenage frustration would unleash. (The Independent)
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Teen Who Sparked Revolt against Assad in Daraa Celebrates His Downfall

Muawiyah could not have foreseen the butterfly effect his simple act of teenage frustration would unleash. (The Independent)
Muawiyah could not have foreseen the butterfly effect his simple act of teenage frustration would unleash. (The Independent)

Angry with life under Bashar al-Assad, 16-year-old Muawiyah Syasneh and his friends spray-painted four words onto a wall in their school playground.

Four words of defiance that saw the teenagers jailed and tortured for weeks, triggering Syria’s first protests in early 2011. Four words that ignited a revolution that spiraled into one of the bloodiest civil wars of modern times. Four words that simply read: “It’s your turn, Doctor.”

It was a reference to Assad, who was an ophthalmologist in London before he returned to Syria to continue his family’s brutal regime.

“We spent 45 days under torture in prison for these words,” Muawiyah told The Independent as he stood in front of the same wall, in the city of Daraa. “It was indescribable. We were children – hung, beaten, electrocuted.”

Over his shoulder is a rifle. He ended up fighting with the Free Syrian Army and, years later, joined the Free Syrian Army that not only expelled regime forces from Daraa last week but were the first to seize the capital, Damascus.

“In 2011, after the revolution started, the entire region demanded its children back,” he said. “We are proud of what we did because adults couldn’t do it.”

Now 30 and a father himself, there was no way that the young Muawiyah could have foreseen the butterfly effect his simple act of teenage frustration would unleash.

He could never have imagined that, more than a decade later, and after fleeing the regime’s intense bombardment of Daraa and becoming a refugee, he would return and follow the Southern Operations Room rebels into Damascus to herald Assad’s downfall.

“The battle in Daraa happened so suddenly. We were surprised – in moments, we conquered the city and then Damascus, which was the first time I had ever been in the capital,” he said, showing a photo of himself in disbelief, wielding his rifle in the capital’s Martyrs’ Square.

“When we wrote those words all those years ago, we didn’t think it would lead to this. Honestly, we didn’t think it would cause all of Syria and Daraa to rise up. But we demanded our freedom, and now we remain on our homeland’s soil,” he added.

“The war was tough. Many were wounded. Many people died. We lost so many loved ones, and yet we thank God. The blood of the martyrs was not wasted. Justice prevailed, and the revolution was victorious.”

The flint strike that sparked it all took place in this small southern city that few had heard of before 2011. Located just a few miles from Syria’s border with Jordan, Daraa had a pre-war population of just 117,000 people. Before the uprising, life was hard.

Muawiyah blamed the arrival in the early 2000s of the region’s new security chief, Atef Najib. He was notorious for his oppressive laws, and for personally overseeing the imprisonment of Muawiyah and his friends.

By early 2011, the streets were strangled by police checkpoints. “You couldn’t enter or leave,” Muawiyah recalled. “We were watching protests in Egypt and Tunisia, where regimes were falling apart. So we wrote ‘It’s your turn, Doctor,’ and burned the police checkpoint.”

At least 15 boys from different families were rounded up – and badly tortured. One of them reportedly died from his wounds.

Muawiyah recalled how the authorities told their parents: “Forget about your children. Make new children. And if you’ve forgotten how to do that, bring your wives.”

By March, thousands – then, tens of thousands – began to gather regularly around the city’s neutral al-Omari Mosque, demanding the return of the children. It ignited protests by frustrated citizens across the country.

“We were surprised by what happened. Everyone demanded the return of the children – families inside Daraa, but [also] across Syria.”

Ehab Qatayfan, 50, who was among the crowds of protesters at the time, says the children’s detention was the straw that broke the camel’s back.

“We were in a miserable situation, as you saw with your own eyes – the jails, the prisons, the torture machines,” he recalled from outside that same mosque, 13 years on. “We were oppressed by every single branch of the regime.”

But the protests were met with violence by the authorities, and it snowballed from there. Fighting raged for a brutal seven years, during which time regime forces laid waste to Daraa. Among the dead was Muawiyah’s own father, who was killed by regime bombs in 2014 as he went to Friday prayers.

By 2018, armed factions had surrendered and, under the terms of a deal, were forced to evacuate to the northwestern province of Idlib. Among those who fled there was Muawiyah, who then escaped onwards to Türkiye, where he endured the hardships of life as a refugee.

Desperate and broke, he eventually returned to his hometown via smuggling routes, and earlier this month – as opposition forces from Idlib swept through Aleppo, Hama, and Homs – he joined the frustrated youth of Daraa, who turned once more on the Assad regime. To everyone’s surprise, the government soldiers they had feared for so many decades appeared to melt away.

Back in Daraa, years of battle scars have gouged out swathes of the city. Children now play football in the shadows of the towering skeletons of apartment blocks. Families have tried to rebuild makeshift houses in the shells of their former homes.

There, today’s teenagers have known nothing but war.

“My home is destroyed, my father forcibly disappeared, my brother killed. I don’t remember anything before except the fighting,” said says one 16-year-old boy, watching his friends play football next to the school where Muawiyah’s graffiti started it all. “My first memory is regime soldiers shooting people,” he added grimly.

But Muawiyah, whose son is now six, has hope – not for himself, but for the youth.

“We want Syria to be better than before. But frankly, I already lost my future. The future of the next generation is what matters,” he said, clutching his assault rifle.

“I pray for them – that they won’t face the torture we faced, that they won’t have weapons, that they won’t live in wars like we did, that they will have the safety and security we all deserve.”



Crops Wither in Sudan as Power Cuts Cripple Irrigation

FILED - 27 August 2024, Sudan, Omdurman: Young people walk along a street marked by destruction in Sudan. Photo: Mudathir Hameed/dpa
FILED - 27 August 2024, Sudan, Omdurman: Young people walk along a street marked by destruction in Sudan. Photo: Mudathir Hameed/dpa
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Crops Wither in Sudan as Power Cuts Cripple Irrigation

FILED - 27 August 2024, Sudan, Omdurman: Young people walk along a street marked by destruction in Sudan. Photo: Mudathir Hameed/dpa
FILED - 27 August 2024, Sudan, Omdurman: Young people walk along a street marked by destruction in Sudan. Photo: Mudathir Hameed/dpa

Hatem Abdelhamid stands amid his once-thriving date palms in northern Sudan, helpless as a prolonged war-driven power outage cripples irrigation, causing devastating crop losses and deepening the country's food crisis.

"I've lost 70 to 75 percent of my crops this year," he said, surveying the dying palms in Tanqasi, a village on the Nile in Sudan's Northern State.

"I'm trying really hard to keep the rest of the crops alive," he told AFP.

Sudan's agricultural sector -- already battered by a two-year conflict and economic crisis -- is now facing another crushing blow from the nationwide power outages.

Since the war between the regular army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces began in April 2023, state-run power plants have been repeatedly targeted, suffering severe damage and ultimately leaving farms without water.

Like most Sudanese farms, Abdelhamid's depends on electric-powered irrigation -- but the system has been down "for over two months" due to the blackouts.

Sudan had barely recovered from the devastating 1985 drought and famine when war erupted again in 2023, delivering a fresh blow to the country's agriculture.

Agriculture remains the main source of food and income for 80 percent of the population, according to the United Nations' Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO).

Now in its third year, the conflict has plunged more than half the population into acute food insecurity, with famine already taking hold in at least five areas and millions more at risk across conflict-hit regions in the west, center and south.

The war has also devastated infrastructure, killed tens of thousands of people, and displaced 13 million.

A 2024 joint study by the United Nations Development Programme and the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) found that nearly a third of rural households have lost irrigation and water access since the war began.

Without electricity to power his irrigation system, Abdelhamid -- like thousands of farmers across the country -- was forced to rely on diesel-powered pumps.

But with fuel scarce and prices now more than 20 times higher than before the war, even that option is out of reach for many.

"I used to spend 10,000 Sudanese pounds (about four euros according to the black market rate) for irrigation each time," said another farmer, Abdelhalim Ahmed.

"Now it costs me 150,000 pounds (around 60 euros) because there is no electricity," he told AFP.

Ahmed said he has lost three consecutive harvests -- including crops like oranges, onions, tomatoes and dates.

With seeds, fertilizers and fuel now barely available, many farmers say they won't be able to replant for the next cycle.

In April, the FAO warned that "below average rainfall" and ongoing instability were closing the window to prevent further deterioration.

A June study by IFPRI also projected Sudan's overall economic output could shrink by as much as 42 percent if the war continues, with the agricultural sector contracting by more than a third.

"Our analysis shows massive income losses across all households and a sharp rise in poverty, especially in rural areas and among women," said Khalid Siddig, a senior research fellow at IFPRI.