Stay or Go? The Dilemma of Türkiye's Syrian Refugees 

For many Syrian refugees living in Türkiye, the idea of going home raises many worrying questions. (AFP)
For many Syrian refugees living in Türkiye, the idea of going home raises many worrying questions. (AFP)
TT

Stay or Go? The Dilemma of Türkiye's Syrian Refugees 

For many Syrian refugees living in Türkiye, the idea of going home raises many worrying questions. (AFP)
For many Syrian refugees living in Türkiye, the idea of going home raises many worrying questions. (AFP)

More than 50,000 Syrian refugees have left Türkiye to return home since Bashar al-Assad's ouster. But for many others living in the country, the thought raises a host of worrying questions.

In Altindag, a northeastern suburb of Ankara home to many Syrians, Radigue Muhrabi, who has a newborn and two other children, said she could not quite envisage going back to Syria "where everything is so uncertain".

"My husband used to work with my father at his shoe shop in Aleppo but it was totally destroyed. We don't know anything about work opportunities nor schools for the kids," she said.

After the civil war began in 2011, Syria's second city was badly scarred by fighting between the opposition and Russian-backed regime forces.

Even so, daily life in Türkiye has not been easy for the Syrian refugees who have faced discrimination, political threats of expulsion and even physical attacks.

In August 2021, an angry mob smashed up shops and cars thought to belong to Syrians in Altindag as anti-migrant sentiment boiled over at a time of deepening economic insecurity in Türkiye.

Basil Ahmed, a 37-year-old motorcycle mechanic, recalled the terror his two young children experienced when the mob smashed the windows of their home.

Even so, he said he was not thinking of going straight back.

- 'Not the same Syria' -

"We have nothing in Aleppo. Here, despite the difficulties, we have a life," he said.

"My children were born here, they don't know Syria."

As the Assad regime brutally cracked down on the population, millions fled in fear, explained Murat Erdogan, a university professor who specializes in migration.

"Now he's gone, many are willing to return but the Syria they left is not the same place," he told AFP.

"Nobody can predict what the new Syrian government will be like, how they will enforce their authority, what Israel will do nor how the clashes (with Kurdish fighters) near the Turkish border will develop," he said.

"The lack of security is a major drawback."

On top of that is the massive infrastructure damage caused by more than 13 years of civil war, with very limited electricity supplies, a ruined public health service and problems with finding housing.

At the SGDD-ASAM, a local association offering workshops and advice to migrants, 16-year-old Rahseh Mahruz was preparing to go back to Aleppo with her parents.

But she knew she would not find the music lessons there that she has enjoyed in Ankara.

- 'No emotional ties to Syria' -

"All my memories, the things I normally do are here. There's nothing there, not even electricity or internet. I don't want to go but my family has decided we will," she said.

Of the 2.9 million Syrians in Türkiye, 1.7 million are under 18 and have few emotional links to their homeland, said the association's director Ibrahim Vurgun Kavlak.

"Most of these youngsters don't have strong emotional, psychological or social ties with Syria. Their idea of Syria is based on what their families have told them," he explained.

And there may even be problems with the language barrier, said professor Erdogan.

"Around 816,000 Syrian children are currently studying in Turkish schools. They have been taught in Turkish for years and some of them don't even know Arabic," he said.

During a visit to Türkiye earlier this week, EU crisis commissioner Hadja Lahbib told AFP she shared "the sense of uncertainty felt by the refugees".

"The situation is unstable, it's changing and nobody knows which direction it will go in," she said.

"I've come with 235 million euros ($245 million) worth of aid for refugees in Syria and in the surrounding countries like Türkiye and Jordan, to meet them and see what worries them and how to respond to that," she said.

If there ends up being a huge wave of Syrians heading home, it will likely have an unsettling impact on certain sectors of Türkiye's workforce.

Although they are often paid low wages, commonly under the table, their absence would leave a gaping hole, notably in the textile and construction industries.

For Erdogan, the economic shock of such a shift could ultimately be beneficial for Türkiye, forcing it to move away from the exploitation of cheap labor.

"We cannot continue a development model based on exploitation," he said.



How the Gaza Truce Exposed Israeli Intelligence Failures

FILE - Fighters from the Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, control the crowd as Red Cross vehicles come to collect Israeli hostages under a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas, in Gaza City, Jan. 19, 2025. (AP Photo/Abed Hajjar, File)
FILE - Fighters from the Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, control the crowd as Red Cross vehicles come to collect Israeli hostages under a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas, in Gaza City, Jan. 19, 2025. (AP Photo/Abed Hajjar, File)
TT

How the Gaza Truce Exposed Israeli Intelligence Failures

FILE - Fighters from the Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, control the crowd as Red Cross vehicles come to collect Israeli hostages under a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas, in Gaza City, Jan. 19, 2025. (AP Photo/Abed Hajjar, File)
FILE - Fighters from the Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, control the crowd as Red Cross vehicles come to collect Israeli hostages under a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas, in Gaza City, Jan. 19, 2025. (AP Photo/Abed Hajjar, File)

The public appearance of Hussein Fayyad, a senior commander in Hamas' military wing, the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, following the Gaza truce, has stunned Israel’s security establishment.

Eight months earlier, Israel had declared him assassinated.

Fayyad, known by his nom de guerre “Abu Hamza,” was seen addressing residents in the streets of Beit Hanoun, a town in northern Gaza. He spoke about “victory and combat,” a development Israeli officials have described as a “security failure.”

In May, the Israeli army announced his killing and even released a photo purportedly confirming his death.

Sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the recent video of Fayyad was recorded during the funeral of several fighters from the Beit Hanoun Battalion, who were killed in clashes with the Israeli army.

Among them was a fighter from the Abu Amsha family, who reportedly led an operation that killed Israeli soldiers shortly before the ceasefire came into effect.

Fayyad’s recent appearance sparked controversy in Israel.

His video, which circulated widely on social media, prompted the Israeli army to issue a statement on Wednesday. The military had previously declared Fayyad’s death, claiming he was responsible for multiple attacks, including launching anti-tank missiles and mortars.

However, after further checks, the Israeli army admitted that the intelligence used to confirm his death was not accurate.

As of Thursday afternoon, the statement was only available in Hebrew, with no translation for foreign media or Arabic speakers.

Fayyad gained prominence after the 2014 war, where he led Hamas fighters and inflicted heavy losses on Israeli forces. He became the commander of the Beit Hanoun Battalion, reorganizing it after the conflict.

During the 2021 Gaza conflict, Fayyad directed mortar attacks on Israeli forces near the Erez Crossing and fired anti-tank missiles at targets along the Gaza border.

Fayyad survived several assassination attempts, including one in the latest conflict.

Fayyad’s case is not the first instance where Israeli military reports have been inaccurate.

According to Hamas sources, the Israeli military issued inaccurate or false reports regarding the assassination of Hamas and Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades leaders during the conflict.

Some of the individuals targeted were either injured and later recovered, or were not present at the locations claimed to have been hit.

The Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades operate a military structure comprising five divisions: the Northern Division, Gaza Division, Central Division, Khan Younis Division, and Rafah Division.

Each division includes several brigades, which are made up of units, factions, and military formations, collectively comprising thousands of fighters.