Jdeidet Yabous Border Crossing with Lebanon: Smoother Transit, End of Bribery

The Jdeidet Yabous border crossing (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The Jdeidet Yabous border crossing (Asharq Al-Awsat)
TT
20

Jdeidet Yabous Border Crossing with Lebanon: Smoother Transit, End of Bribery

The Jdeidet Yabous border crossing (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The Jdeidet Yabous border crossing (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Traffic at Jdeidet Yabous, the border crossing in western rural Damascus opposite Lebanon’s Al-Masnaa, has eased following new measures implemented on Tuesday by Syria’s General Authority for Land and Sea Border Crossings. These include extending working hours and increasing staff numbers.

Taxi drivers operating between Syria and Lebanon welcomed the improvements but called for further measures.

During a visit to the crossing, Asharq Al-Awsat observed a steady flow of vehicles heading toward Lebanon. While traffic remained heavy, the entry process was smoother, with staff handling travelers efficiently and courteously.

A border official told Asharq Al-Awsat that there had been significant congestion in recent weeks, but the situation had improved with the new measures. He explained that operating hours had been extended by two hours, allowing taxis to enter starting at 6 am instead of 8 am. The official, speaking anonymously as he was not authorized to comment publicly, also noted that the number of staff and processing counters had increased, which helped reduce wait times for travelers and drivers.

Since the General Authority for Land and Sea Border Crossings took over management of Syria’s borders following the ousting of Bashar al-Assad on December 8, bribery at the crossing has been fully eliminated.

Passengers can now pass through Jdeidet Yabous and reach Al-Masnaa without paying any extra fees. The official stated that even the entry fee had been temporarily suspended. While he did not provide exact figures, he estimated that hundreds of vehicles cross into Lebanon daily.

Taxi driver Shaat Kabbab, who operates on the Damascus-Beirut route, confirmed that Tuesday marked the first day of extended hours. He explained that previously, Syrian taxis could only enter at 8 am and had to return by 4 pm.

Meanwhile, Murshid Al-Hafi, another driver waiting for passengers near the crossing, said the situation had improved significantly. He noted that bribery had disappeared and that the staff were professional, but he hoped authorities would extend working hours to 7 or 8 pm and allow multiple trips per day.

Anas Baraka, traveling to Lebanon to pick up a relative, expressed optimism about the recent changes. He stated that the new Syrian administration had transformed not just the border process but also people’s lives.

While he acknowledged that there were still some issues, likely due to the inexperience of newly appointed staff, he emphasized that travelers were now treated with respect.

According to Syrian taxi drivers, the crossing had experienced heavy traffic in recent days, with around 300 vehicles traveling to Lebanon daily and a similar number returning. They attributed the congestion to limited operating hours, the large number of Syrians arriving via Beirut International Airport, and empty vehicles crossing into Lebanon to smuggle fuel on their way back. The closure of other border crossings with Lebanon has also contributed to the bottleneck.

On January 31, the General Authority for Land and Sea Border Crossings announced that Jdeidet Yabous would now be open daily from 6 am to midnight, starting February 1.

Additionally, new entry regulations for Lebanese nationals were outlined on January 23. Regarding vehicle entry, the authority specified that private car drivers must either own the vehicle or have a notarized authorization. Taxis and buses are limited to one trip per day between 8 am and 4 pm, with at least one passenger, and are granted a 48-hour entry permit.

 



Can Hezbollah Transition to a Fully Political Party?

Supporters of Lebanon's Hezbollah group block the streets with burning tires as they rally in cars and motorbikes to protest the government's endorsement of a plan to disarm it, in Beirut's southern suburbs early on August 8, 2025. (AFP)
Supporters of Lebanon's Hezbollah group block the streets with burning tires as they rally in cars and motorbikes to protest the government's endorsement of a plan to disarm it, in Beirut's southern suburbs early on August 8, 2025. (AFP)
TT
20

Can Hezbollah Transition to a Fully Political Party?

Supporters of Lebanon's Hezbollah group block the streets with burning tires as they rally in cars and motorbikes to protest the government's endorsement of a plan to disarm it, in Beirut's southern suburbs early on August 8, 2025. (AFP)
Supporters of Lebanon's Hezbollah group block the streets with burning tires as they rally in cars and motorbikes to protest the government's endorsement of a plan to disarm it, in Beirut's southern suburbs early on August 8, 2025. (AFP)

Mounting calls in Lebanon for Hezbollah to hand over its weapons and dissolve its armed wing have reignited debate over whether the party’s structure, principles and founding ideology could allow a smooth shift to purely political activity – or whether such a change would require a complete overhaul of the party and a new charter to match the country’s shifting landscape.

Founded in 1982, Hezbollah has gone through two major ideological milestones: its 1985 “open letter,” which served as its founding political and religious manifesto, and its 2009 “political document,” an updated vision shaped by regional and domestic changes.

In its early platform, Hezbollah openly called for an Islamic republic in Lebanon, rejected the sectarian political system, pledged allegiance to Iran’s supreme leader, and endorsed armed resistance as the only path to confront Israel.

By 2009, the group acknowledged that Lebanon’s multi-sectarian fabric made an Islamic state impossible, advocating instead “consensual democracy” as a transitional step toward abolishing sectarianism, while reaffirming armed resistance in coordination with the army and the people.

Hezbollah entered parliamentary politics in 1992 after the civil war and joined the cabinet in 2005, following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri.

Former MP Fares Souaid, head of the Lady of the Mountain Gathering, said Hezbollah “does politics in military fatigues,” making it hard to imagine a transformation from what he called “an Iranian military arm in Lebanon” into a regular political party.

“Hezbollah’s presence in parliament and cabinet was to monitor decisions that could hinder its military and security work, not to be fully involved in constitutional politics,” Souaid told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He added that many in the group’s Shiite base still view its arsenal as a guarantee, even though dissenting voices have emerged.

Jad al-Akhaoui, head of the Lebanese Democratic Coalition, said Hezbollah’s founding principles – rooted in religious ideology and armed struggle under Iran’s “Wilayat al-Faqih” (Guardianship of the Jurist) – are incompatible with the concept of a civilian political party in a democracy.

“If Hezbollah truly wants to become a political party, it must separate religion from the state, abandon its weapons and redefine itself as Lebanese first and foremost, not as a regional proxy,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Al-Akhaoui argued that Hezbollah’s political participation has been a means to entrench its position within the state without integrating fully into it, using parliament and cabinet to shield its weapons.

“The party used politics to legitimize its arms, not to reconsider them,” he said, adding that frustration is growing within its Shiite constituency over the economic collapse, international isolation and involvement in wars unrelated to Lebanon.

Political analyst Kassem Kassir, however, said there is no inherent reason why Hezbollah could not become a purely political party.

“Armed resistance was due to Israeli occupation and external circumstances,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“If the occupation ends and the state can defend the people and rebuild, there is no problem with giving up the weapons.”

Kassir said Hezbollah’s political track record shows it can mobilize popular support and use politics to serve the community and defend the resistance.

“Today, the continued Israeli occupation and the state’s failure to protect its citizens are what keep the arms in place,” he said.