Water Shortages Threaten Food and Social Security in North Africa

A photo showing the extent of the drought affecting vast areas in southern Morocco (AFP)
A photo showing the extent of the drought affecting vast areas in southern Morocco (AFP)
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Water Shortages Threaten Food and Social Security in North Africa

A photo showing the extent of the drought affecting vast areas in southern Morocco (AFP)
A photo showing the extent of the drought affecting vast areas in southern Morocco (AFP)

Politicians and agricultural experts have warned that climate disruptions across several North African countries— including Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria—coupled with rising temperatures each year, are directly impacting water resources.

This, they caution, could threaten food, economic, and even social security in these nations, which are structurally reliant on food imports, particularly grains. The loss of agricultural potential, declining farm production, and disruptions to the tourism sector further compound the crisis.

Morocco is enduring its seventh consecutive year of severe drought, with rainfall this year down 53% compared to the 30-year average.

The prolonged dry spell has led to a shortage of grazing pastures for livestock, reducing meat production and driving up prices in the local market. In response, the country has increased imports of live cattle, sheep, and red meat to meet demand.

Morocco has signed a deal to import up to 100,000 sheep from Australia as part of efforts to stabilize local meat prices. The government has also suspended import duties and value-added tax (VAT) on livestock, including cattle, sheep, camels, and red meat, under the 2025 budget.

The prolonged drought—described as the worst since the early 1980s—has led to a 38% decline in livestock numbers, with rainfall 53% below the 30-year average, Agriculture Minister Ahmed El Bouari said in mid-February.

As a result, reservoirs across the country have been severely depleted, causing major job losses in the agricultural sector and prompting authorities to accelerate water desalination projects.

El Bouari noted that two irrigation reservoirs in the key farming regions were only 2% and 15% full. Nationwide, dam reserves have dropped to 26%, with authorities prioritizing drinking water supplies for cities over irrigation.

Morocco’s severe drought has drastically reduced per capita water availability, with current resources estimated at less than 650 cubic meters per person per year—down from 2,500 cubic meters in 1960, according to a report by the country’s Economic, Social, and Environmental Council.

The advisory body warned that this figure could fall below 500 cubic meters by 2030, while international studies suggest climate change could wipe out 80% of Morocco’s available water resources within the next 25 years.

To combat the crisis, Morocco has built 149 large dams with a total storage capacity exceeding 19 billion cubic meters, along with medium and small dams.

The country has also expanded seawater desalination projects, operating nine plants that produce 147 million cubic meters annually, and drilled thousands of wells to tap groundwater reserves.

In neighboring Algeria, the western province of Tiaret saw mass protests last summer as residents took to the streets over prolonged water cuts caused by the local dam drying up.

The government dispatched senior officials to the region in an effort to quell public anger, pledging urgent measures to resolve what protesters called a looming “thirst crisis.”

Algeria’s Water Resources Ministry has warned that the country now ranks among nations with critical water shortages due to prolonged and recurrent droughts.

Rainfall deficits have reached between 40% and 50% in recent years compared to historical annual averages, particularly in central and western regions, the ministry said.

“The decline in rainfall caused by climate change has significantly impacted the supply of drinking water, with 20 of Algeria’s 58 provinces facing severe shortages,” the ministry stated.

It added that, like other Mediterranean countries, Algeria is experiencing a water crisis driven by climate shifts that have disrupted natural precipitation cycles.

In response to recurring droughts and dwindling rainfall, the Algerian government has fast-tracked its long-delayed seawater desalination plan to avoid the public protests that have become common as summer approaches, bringing with it a surge in demand for drinking water.

In 2023, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune pledged to ensure a stable water supply for the country’s 45 million residents for the next 15 years, promising no interruptions in service.

As part of its effort to address the worsening water shortage, Algeria’s government is advancing a plan to build five seawater desalination plants, each capable of producing 300,000 cubic meters of water daily.

Former Minister of Water Resources and Security Karim Hasni had earlier warned of the growing crisis, noting that Algeria’s climate has become increasingly arid.

He outlined a “new strategy” that calls for increased reliance on desalination plants, calling seawater desalination the “optimal solution” as surface water supplies become scarce.

Algeria’s coastline, stretching over 1,200 kilometers, provides ample resources, along with the expertise and human capital needed to support such initiatives.

Meanwhile, Tunisia is facing a dire water shortage due to its worst drought in years, with reservoirs and dams nearly empty.

In response, authorities have implemented water cuts for up to seven hours each night, a measure that has sparked concerns about escalating social tensions.

The Ministry of Agriculture has also introduced water rationing for drinking purposes and partially banned its use for agriculture, car washing, irrigation of green spaces, street cleaning, and filling private swimming pools. Authorities have warned that violators will face penalties.

A report released in March 2024 by Tunisia’s Institute of competitiveness and quantitative studies revealed that Tunisia, which has endured six years of drought over the past decade, is now the fifth most vulnerable country in the world to drought and water scarcity.

The report’s authors warned that this situation could severely hinder Tunisia’s economic and social development, urging the government to take climate change into account and strengthen adaptation measures.

According to international standards, which set the minimum water requirement at 1,000 cubic meters per person annually, Tunisia has fallen below the water poverty line with less than 500 cubic meters per person per year.



Amr Moussa to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Initially Treated Me as an American Spy, Then Things Changed

Hosni Mubarak was able to manage the difficult relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi. (AFP)
Hosni Mubarak was able to manage the difficult relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi. (AFP)
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Amr Moussa to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Initially Treated Me as an American Spy, Then Things Changed

Hosni Mubarak was able to manage the difficult relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi. (AFP)
Hosni Mubarak was able to manage the difficult relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi. (AFP)

In the third installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, former Egyptian Foreign Minister and ex-Secretary-General of the Arab League Amr Moussa discusses various experiences with Arab leaders, emphasizing the nuances of diplomacy in a turbulent region.

Moussa recalled that former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak “was neither bloodthirsty nor a pharaoh, nor did he try to be one.” He points to a famous remark by President Anwar Sadat, who once said: “Gamal (Abdel Nasser) and I are the last of the pharaohs.”

The Gaddafi encounter

Reflecting on his complex interactions with Libyan leader Moammar al-Gaddafi, Moussa admitted that the beginning was anything but smooth. “When I first met Gaddafi, he treated me as if I were an American spy. He wouldn’t look at me directly, only speaking while facing another direction. It was very theatrical,” Moussa said. He recalled this behavior with a certain amusement, treating it almost like a game: “I would wager with myself before our meetings—will he speak to me directly this time, or not?”

Initially, rumors had reached Gaddafi that Moussa had been sent with a US agenda, though he had actually been Egypt’s ambassador to the UN in New York, not Washington. “But once he observed how I performed in my role, he began to change his mind. Eventually, he would ask President Mubarak if I could join their private discussions.”

Moussa recalled a specific instance in Tobruk, where he was invited by Gaddafi to sit at a table with him and Mubarak to discuss a matter of importance. He knew this would stir unease among others present, but the conversation went ahead regardless. This type of scene, he noted, happened several times.

Hosni Mubarak, Moammar al-Gaddafi and Amr Moussa at the Arab summit in Sirte in 2010. (AFP)

Diplomatic drama in a tent

When Gaddafi visited Cairo during Moussa’s tenure as foreign minister, the Libyan leader insisted on setting up his trademark tent in the gardens of the Qubba Palace. Though the palace was fully equipped, Gaddafi would receive guests only in the tent. “At that time, he still saw me as a US spy,” Moussa said, “so he avoided looking at me during our meeting. He inspected every corner of the tent—except the one where I was sitting.”

Despite Gaddafi’s sometimes abrasive behavior, Moussa conceded that the Libyan leader was intelligent and unique. “He was eccentric, yes, but he had a cleverness about him. His actions often carried a deeper rationale, even if misguided.”

Gaddafi’s erratic rule extended to his own ministers. Moussa noted how even highly regarded officials like Abdul Rahman Shalgham and Ali Treki were subject to his whims. “If Gaddafi was displeased with something, he might simply tell you to stay home—and that could mean house arrest for years. Yet, your salary would still arrive at your door.”

A moment of humor

One incident stood out. Libya was scheduled to host the Arab summit and had failed to pay its dues to the Arab League, and as Secretary-General, Moussa received an envoy from Gaddafi carrying a list of demands. Moussa didn’t even read the letter; he simply locked it in a drawer. “When the envoy asked what to report back, I told him exactly that,” Moussa laughed.

Soon after, Gaddafi summoned him to Sirte. As Moussa waited in the tent, Gaddafi’s secretary, Bashir Saleh, walked by singing an old Arabic poem: “You seem tearless, and patience is your nature.” Moussa quipped: “Tell the leader he’s not tearless—he’s payment-less!” Saleh shared the joke with Gaddafi, who burst into laughter and finally paid Libya’s dues.

Later, during an Arab summit in Libya, Gaddafi displayed a surprising sense of responsibility. Moussa recalled a heated moment when Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh demanded immediate action on forming a pan-Arab army. Gaddafi gently interrupted: “Take it easy, Ali.” That phrase—“Take it easy, Ali”—spoke volumes, according to Moussa. “It revealed Gaddafi’s desire to manage tension even among volatile leaders.”

On Hosni Mubarak and the ‘pharaoh’ myth

Asked if Mubarak ever resembled the authoritarian archetype of a “pharaoh” as Russians view their “czars,” Moussa was firm: “No, not Mubarak. Maybe Sadat had some traits—he liked symbolism. But Mubarak? He wasn’t violent, nor bloodthirsty. Yes, he could be firm, but he didn’t revel in bloodshed.”

Moussa clarified that while Mubarak might have approved harsh punishments as president, it never escalated to a murderous level. “Perhaps there were isolated incidents, especially within the prison system, but it wasn’t part of Mubarak’s character to govern through violence. He wasn’t built that way.”

Saddam Hussein meets with Amr Moussa in Iraq in January 2002. (AFP)

The song that stirred controversy

When the Egyptian folk singer Shaaban Abdel Rahim sang “I hate Israel, and I love Amr Moussa,” it caused a stir. Moussa downplayed the drama. “I don’t think Mubarak himself was offended. He was the president; no foreign minister would rival him in popularity. But some people in the surrounding circles—not necessarily his inner circle—were irked.”

Eventually, another version of the song emerged, replacing Moussa’s name with Mubarak’s. “But it was the original that made waves. Even a diplomat from Latin America once told me, ‘We’re dancing to this song here!’”

A difficult meeting with Saddam Hussein

One of the most tense encounters Moussa ever had was with Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. After being elected Secretary-General of the Arab League in 2001, Moussa set out to visit all Arab leaders. He deliberately left Saddam until the end, knowing the sensitivities involved.

In January 2002, Moussa visited Saddam at a small palace. He carried a message from UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan regarding weapons inspections. “I told Saddam that Annan was open to negotiations, and that continued confrontation with the US would lead nowhere. At some point, no one would stand by him.”

Moussa asked Saddam directly: “Do you possess nuclear weapons?” Saddam answered, “No.” Moussa pressed him again: “Are you absolutely sure?” Saddam repeated, “No.” This made Moussa’s deputy, Ahmed Ben Helli, visibly nervous. “He probably thought we weren’t going to walk out of there.”

Moussa then asked why Iraq objected to the UN inspectors. Saddam responded: “These people don’t just inspect nuclear sites. They ask civilians about food supplies, their opinions on the government. What business is that of theirs?”

Moussa promised to report this to Annan, which he did. Negotiations resumed between Iraq and the UN, but history took its course and the US-led invasion followed.

Asked if he felt fortunate never to have served directly under a figure like Gaddafi, Moussa answered without hesitation: “Absolutely. I saw how respected men like Shalgham and Treki were sidelined. You could be a top official one day and under house arrest the next.”