Syria and Lebanon's Moves to Centralize Power Leads to Crackdowns on Palestinian Factions

FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
TT

Syria and Lebanon's Moves to Centralize Power Leads to Crackdowns on Palestinian Factions

FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)

Lebanon and Syria are cracking down on Palestinian factions that for decades have had an armed presence in both countries and which on some occasions were used to plan and launch attacks against Israel.
The crackdown comes as Syria's new rulers under the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group are pursuing officials of the former government under Bashar Assad, including those in the ousted president's web of security agencies. Syria's most prominent Palestinian factions were key allies of the Assad dynasty in both war and peace time and closely cooperated on security matters, The Associated Press said.
It also comes after Iran’s main regional ally, the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, was weakened after over a year of war with Israel and as Lebanon’s new government vows to monopolize all arms under the government, including Hezbollah and Palestinian factions in Lebanon.
On Wednesday, Syria's President Ahmad al-Sharaa said his government is holding indirect talks with Israel through mediators, who he did not name. He said the aim of the indirect negotiations is to ease tensions after intense Israeli airstrikes on Syria.
A crackdown on hardline Palestinian factions, including the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which took part with Hamas in the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks in Gaza, is likely to be welcomed by Israel.
A Syrian government official declined to comment on the matter.
A Palestinian official who had been in Damascus for more than 40 years, and who recently left the country, said Palestinian factions in Syria were forced to hand over their weapons and the Palestinian embassy will be the only side that Syria's new authorities will deal with. The Palestinian groups would only be limited to social and charitable activities, the official added, who spoke on condition of anonymity fearing for their safety.
‘We are simply guests here’
Palestinian factions for decades have lived in refugee camps in Lebanon and Syria and have been involved militarily both locally and regionally. They closely aligned themselves with the Assads and later with Hezbollah in Lebanon, whose powerful military arsenal grew over the past few decades. Over time, many of the leaders of groups like Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad were based in those countries.
However, the regional developments of late 2024 that went against Iran’s favor in the Levant began to take shape in recent weeks among the Palestinian factions in Lebanon and Syria.
“No weapons will be allowed in the (Palestinian refugee) camps. The Syrian state will protect citizens whether they are Palestinians or Syrians,” said Syrian political analyst Ahmad al-Hamada, whose view points reflect those of the government. “It is not allowed for Palestinian factions that were arms for Iran and the Assad regime to keep their weapons.”
When asked whether the state will prevent any attacks against Israel, al-Hamada said Syria will not allow its territories to be used as a launch pad against any neighbor.
Syrian authorities in Damascus this week detained two senior officials of the Iran-backed Palestinian Islamic Jihad group and briefly detained and questioned the leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, FLP-GC, that since its founding had been a key ally of Assad.
Another Palestinian official with one of the factions that had been based in Syria said the developments caught them by surprise, and that regardless of who runs the country they are keen to have good relations with Syria’s new rulers and maintain the country’s stability.
“We hope that this wouldn’t have happened. But we don’t have a say in this,” the official said, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they are still based in the country. “We are simply guests here.”
The government in Lebanon, which is trying to expand its army’s influence in the south near Israel, has also been reclaiming dozens of informal border crossings with Syria, which were key arteries for Iran and its allies to transport weapons and fighters over the years. Many of those crossings were held by PFLP-GC militants who have given some of those positions up to the Lebanese army after Assad’s downfall.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who Palestinian factions in Syria oppose, visited Damascus last month for the first time in more than a decade and he is scheduled to visit Lebanon on May 21.
‘Unprecedented times’
After Israel intensified its airstrikes on Lebanon in response to Hamas allegedly firing rockets from southern Lebanon in late March, the Lebanese government for the first time called out the Palestinian group and arrested nearly 10 suspects involved in the operation. Hamas was pressured by the military to turn in three of their militants from different refugee camps.
Ahmad Abdul-Hadi, a Hamas representative in Lebanon, was also summoned by the head of one of the country’s top security agencies over the incident and was formally told that Hamas should stop its military activities.
Lebanon's President Joseph Aoun, who is backed by the United States and Arab countries rather than Hezbollah and Iran, has said armed factions should not be allowed to “shake up national security and stability.” His statement has set a new tone after decades of tolerating the presence of armed Palestinian groups in refugee camps which have led to armed conflict in the crowded ghettos.
“I think we’re in unprecedented times, politically speaking,” said Mohanad Hage Ali, a senior fellow at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. “The (Lebanese) army is acting out of a political will, with its former chief now the president. There is a strong political thrust behind the army.”
A Lebanese government official familiar with the initiative said that Hamas was told to hand over wanted militants and end all its military activity in the country. He added that there is also a plan to gradually give up Hamas' weapons, which coincides with the visit to Lebanon of Abbas, leader of the rival Fatah group.



US, Israel Tactics Diverge on Iran as Trump's Goals Still 'Fuzzy'

Trump, emboldened by his January operation in Venezuela, has held out hope for working with a figure within the Iranian republic -- while Israel has openly declared it will kill any high-ranking Iranian official it sees. Jim WATSON / AFP
Trump, emboldened by his January operation in Venezuela, has held out hope for working with a figure within the Iranian republic -- while Israel has openly declared it will kill any high-ranking Iranian official it sees. Jim WATSON / AFP
TT

US, Israel Tactics Diverge on Iran as Trump's Goals Still 'Fuzzy'

Trump, emboldened by his January operation in Venezuela, has held out hope for working with a figure within the Iranian republic -- while Israel has openly declared it will kill any high-ranking Iranian official it sees. Jim WATSON / AFP
Trump, emboldened by his January operation in Venezuela, has held out hope for working with a figure within the Iranian republic -- while Israel has openly declared it will kill any high-ranking Iranian official it sees. Jim WATSON / AFP

US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu both praise their relationship as excellent, but after three weeks of attacking Iran, their tactics are increasingly diverging -- the result, some experts say, of Trump's ill-defined goals.

Trump said Thursday that he told Netanyahu not to attack Iran's gas fields after an Israeli strike prompted Tehran to retaliate against a major energy hub in Qatar, sending global prices soaring further.

Earlier this month, the United States voiced unease after Israel bombed fuel depots around Tehran, smothering the city of 10 million people with toxic black smoke.

Trump, emboldened by his January operation in Venezuela, has held out hope for working with a figure within the Iranian republic -- while Israel has openly declared it will kill any high-ranking Iranian official it sees.

"The objectives that have been laid out by the president are different from the objectives that have been laid out by the Israelis," Tulsi Gabbard, Trump's director of national intelligence, acknowledged in a congressional hearing this week.

Netanyahu, after the public reproach on the gas fields attack, publicly hailed Trump at a news conference late Thursday, saying that no "two leaders have been as coordinated."

"He's the leader. I'm, you know, his ally," Netanyahu said.

- 'Fuzzy' Trump goal -

But Netanyahu has been far more clear than Trump on what he wants in Iran.

Netanyahu has long described Iran's cleric-run government as the top enemy and has vowed to topple or at least crush it.

"Israel wants some sort of regime change whereas the United States is fuzzy and unclear about what the end state is," said Brian Katulis, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington.

Trump has spoken in glowing terms about tactical military successes but also faces mounting pressure at home unlike Netanyahu.

The war is unpopular with the US public, including parts of Trump's base, and has led to higher gas prices for consumers and turbulence on markets months ahead of congressional elections.

Trump also has a close relationship with Gulf Arab states, longtime allies that serve as bases for US troops and are softer targets for Iran than Israel.

Netanyahu, Israel's longest-serving leader, also faces elections this year, in which he is expected to highlight his support from Trump.

Katulis noted that Trump has not hesitated to pressure Israel before -- forcing a ceasefire in Gaza last year after Israel attacked Hamas leaders in Qatar, and angrily demanding that Israel hold fire on Iran last year after he announced a truce.

"It's not unimaginable that Trump sees the cost of this war getting too high and hindering his domestic agenda," Katulis said.

"I don't think Israel under Netanyahu is going to ignore Trump but that would require Trump actually articulating some sort of soft landing."

- New dynamic for Israel -

The conflict marks a watershed for Israel in fighting a war as part of an alliance. In the two wars against Iraq, the United States tried hard to keep Israel out, fearing its presence would alienate Arab allies.

Yossi Mekelberg, a Middle East expert at London-based think tank Chatham House, said that Israel and the United States started with an aim of regime change before encountering the heavy counter-attack by Iran.

"When things go wonderfully well, everyone is happy, you know -- they all praise each other," he said.

"If it starts going really wrong, and we know that Trump is not the sentimental type, then the blame starts flying," he said.

Robert Malley, who negotiated with Iran under former president Joe Biden, said that both Israel and Iran had clear goals, with Israel wanting to sow the Iranian government's collapse and Tehran seeking to survive and to externalize the costs of the war.

The unpredictable actor is Trump, who has said both that the war will be short or will intensify and sees world affairs in deeply personal terms, particularly on whether he can claim victory.

"He's offered a series of shifting goals, not just day by day but often hour by hour," said Malley, now a senior fellow at the Yale Jackson School of Global Affairs.

"In some ways, you need to be more of a psychologist than a policy analyst to be able to understand where we're going," he said.


Ghalibaf: Iran’s New Strongman Running War Effort

12 October 2024, Lebanon, Beirut: Iranian parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf speaks during a press conference in Beirut. (Hassan Ibrahim/Lebanese Parliament/dpa)
12 October 2024, Lebanon, Beirut: Iranian parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf speaks during a press conference in Beirut. (Hassan Ibrahim/Lebanese Parliament/dpa)
TT

Ghalibaf: Iran’s New Strongman Running War Effort

12 October 2024, Lebanon, Beirut: Iranian parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf speaks during a press conference in Beirut. (Hassan Ibrahim/Lebanese Parliament/dpa)
12 October 2024, Lebanon, Beirut: Iranian parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf speaks during a press conference in Beirut. (Hassan Ibrahim/Lebanese Parliament/dpa)

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran's parliament speaker and a veteran of the Revolutionary Guards, has emerged as the highest-profile political figure in the country after the killing of its leaders.

A pillar of the Iranian establishment for some three decades and one of the regime's most prominent non-clerical figures, Ghalibaf, 64, now appears to be playing a key role spearheading the war effort.

Whereas the son and successor of slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei, Mojtaba Khamenei, has not appeared in public and has issued just three written statements, Ghalibaf has been unleashing regular posts on X and giving multiple interviews.

"We are in an unequal war, with an asymmetrical set-up, we must do something and use equipment with our own culture, design and creativity," he told Iranian television on Wednesday.

In a post on X, he added that after attacks on Iranian energy infrastructure, "an eye-for-an-eye sum is in effect, and a new level of confrontation has begun".

However, possibly aware of the threat to his own security, he did not, unlike the late Larijani, appear in public at pro-government rallies last week in support of the Palestinian cause.

Larijani was killed in an Israeli air strike on Monday, which followed the killing of Khamenei at the start of the war on February 28.

Ghalibaf's varied experience, which spans military and civilian life, has seen him work as commander of the Revolutionary Guards aerospace corps, Tehran police chief, Tehran mayor and now speaker of parliament.

Known to be fiercely ambitious, he has stood for the Iranian presidency on multiple occasions but has never been successful, most notably in 2005 when the ultra-conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, little-known at the time, took the presidency.

A qualified pilot, Ghalibaf is known for boasting that he is able to captain jumbo jets.

Farzan Sabet, a managing researcher at the Geneva Graduate Institute, said that after Larijani's killing Ghalibaf was the "person likely overseeing the war effort and strategy".

"He's the speaker of parliament, a former senior IRGC commander and has strong cross-factional and institutional ties, positioning him well to move into this role," he told AFP.

- 'Very favorable position' -

Ghalibaf fought in the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War and rose rapidly through the ranks. He reached the upper echelons of the military establishment in the late 1990s when he became commander of the Guards' fledgling aerospace forces.

He was then named national police commander in 1999, against the backdrop of unprecedented student protests.

He has long coveted the presidency, running in 2005, 2013 and 2024, and briefly entering the 2017 race before withdrawing in favor of another conservative candidate. His strongest showing came in 2013, when he finished second.

After the 2005 presidential election loss, he was elected mayor of Tehran.

During his 12 years as mayor, supporters praised his technocratic approach and focus on urban management, while critics pointed to allegations of financial corruption.

Human rights groups have accused Ghalibaf, in his various functions, of playing a key role in suppressing protests, from the 1999 student demonstrations through to the 2009 Green movement that erupted after a disputed election right up to the nationwide protests that peaked in January 2026.

Ghalibaf was elected speaker of parliament in 2020, at times advocating economic reforms and stronger parliamentary oversight while remaining aligned with the Islamic republic's core institutions.

"Iran's strongest man is now probably Ghalibaf," said Arash Azizi, lecturer at Yale University, describing him as "a rare figure whose portfolio crosses between military, security and political functions of the regime".

"He is known to be running the war effort now," Azizi said, adding that Ghalibaf appeared to be an ally of Mojtaba Khamenei.

"He seems to be in a very favorable position now."

Ghalibaf has predicted the war would reshape the Middle East, but not on Washington's terms.

"The order here will change, but it will not be an order in which the will of the United States prevails," he said in a recorded video interview carried by Tasnim news agency and other media.


As Israel Expands Strikes on Beirut, Delivery Drivers Steer Clear of Danger

 People who work as delivery drivers for the Toters delivery app stand outside a delivery center in Beirut, Lebanon, March 18, 2026. (Reuters)
People who work as delivery drivers for the Toters delivery app stand outside a delivery center in Beirut, Lebanon, March 18, 2026. (Reuters)
TT

As Israel Expands Strikes on Beirut, Delivery Drivers Steer Clear of Danger

 People who work as delivery drivers for the Toters delivery app stand outside a delivery center in Beirut, Lebanon, March 18, 2026. (Reuters)
People who work as delivery drivers for the Toters delivery app stand outside a delivery center in Beirut, Lebanon, March 18, 2026. (Reuters)

Lebanese food courier Hamza Hareb now keeps his distance if he spots a car with tinted windows while on a delivery run in Beirut. Hezbollah is rumored to use such cars, and Hareb wants to steer clear of any Israeli strikes targeting the armed group.

Israel has expanded its air campaign to new parts of Beirut in recent days, hitting apartments and downing entire buildings in strikes it says are targeting Hezbollah, which pulled Lebanon into the regional war on March 2 by firing into Israeli territory.

On Wednesday, Israel struck different neighborhoods in the heart of Beirut, leaving mounds of rubble hundreds of meters away from government buildings, restaurants and roads usually clogged with traffic.

As residents of the capital stay home in fear, they are ordering delivery for dinner - and drivers like Hareb are navigating a maze ‌of risks to ‌make it happen.

"Of course, we are afraid. That is ever-present," said Hareb, one ‌of ⁠3,000 couriers in ⁠Beirut who work for Toters, among Lebanon's most popular delivery apps.

Like most gig workers, Toters drivers are paid per delivery. For many, the job is an economic lifeline in the heavily indebted country, which is suffering from years of economic crisis and political instability following a financial collapse in 2019.

"You don't know when the strikes will come, so we have adapted to everything," Hareb said.

'NAVIGATING INTO UNCERTAINTY'

Israel sometimes issues evacuation warnings before striking, telling residents to leave the area. But three of Wednesday's four strikes on Beirut came without notice.

"Right now they're increasingly ⁠striking without warning, and of course this is instilling a sense of ‌fear among us (since) we spend most of our time out ‌in the street," Hareb told Reuters.

If Beirut is rocked by an unexpected strike, drivers pull over to figure out which ‌neighborhood was targeted and how to amend their routes if needed. If an evacuation warning is issued, ‌drivers pass it on through work channels so colleagues can avoid targeted areas.

Toters' director of operations Roland Ghanem said the company did not deliver to neighborhoods that fall within Israel's evacuation orders and has barred drivers from using risky roads near possible targets.

"These drivers navigate into uncertainty... just to make sure that others can still have access to food ‌and basic needs," Ghanem said. "They understand that behind every order, there is a family that has been displaced, or an elderly person that cannot go to ⁠the store and get ⁠some food, or just a regular person trying to get through the day."

WORKING IN A WAR

Israeli strikes have killed nearly 1,000 people and displaced another million across Lebanon, according to Lebanese authorities.

For some drivers, the war has hit close to home - literally. Mahmoud al-Benne, 34, had to flee his home in Beirut's southern suburbs earlier this month when Israel issued a blanket evacuation order for the entire area and began bombing it heavily.

But he still needs to work.

"Whether you are displaced or not displaced, you need to earn money," Benne said. "You have responsibilities. We are in a state of war, but at the end of the day we want to work."

Marie Katanjian stands out among her colleagues as a rare female delivery driver. Her husband delivers for Toters and she was inspired to do the same.

"We have to work in this situation because we have families. We're helping each other out, hand in hand," she said.

Still, she's yearning to drive safely through her city's streets again.

“We want the war to end, so we can take a breath.”