Struggle Over Khamenei's Legacy Amid Mojtaba's Absence

A mourner holds a poster of Ali Khamenei during his funeral procession in Tehran. (AP)
A mourner holds a poster of Ali Khamenei during his funeral procession in Tehran. (AP)
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Struggle Over Khamenei's Legacy Amid Mojtaba's Absence

A mourner holds a poster of Ali Khamenei during his funeral procession in Tehran. (AP)
A mourner holds a poster of Ali Khamenei during his funeral procession in Tehran. (AP)

Internal rifts are intensifying within the Iranian regime following the ceasefire agreement with the United States, as anger over the US-Iranian war shifts into a domestic struggle between a hardline faction rejecting any compromise with Washington and leadership figures seeking to manage the new phase, according to a CNN report.

As Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian walked alongside the coffin of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in Tehran last week, some of the black-clad mourners surrounding him chanted not in tribute to the late leader, but directly at him – “death to the compromiser.”

Not far from that site, Abbas Araghchi, Iran’s foreign minister who negotiated a ceasefire with the Trump administration and lifted some sanctions on the country, was forced to flee the funeral after a mob pelted him with rocks amid death chants accusing him of being a “traitorous sellout.”

The hostility directed at top officials during the funeral reflects a theory that has been gaining traction within the Iranian regime’s most radical factions for months: that Iran’s wartime leaders who negotiated and signed the agreement with Washington are staging a soft coup against the republic and its revolutionary ideals while the new supreme leader remains largely invisible for fear of his life – or, as some have suggested, because he is incapacitated, said the report.

The hardline factions that attended the funeral in large numbers believe that instead of avenging Khamenei’s killing, Iranian officials have surrendered by signing an agreement that defies the orders of Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, the late leader’s son and successor. But Khamenei has remained hidden from public view, neither addressing the nation directly nor visibly asserting his authority, even as officials negotiate or govern in his name.

Hardliners have accused Iran’s visible leadership – those running and representing the country as Khamenei remains in hiding – of plotting to consolidate power by suspending parliament, defying his orders in negotiations and attempting to disperse the nightly street rallies that had become a potent power base for fundamentalists.

“Warning to the people of Iran: Is a coup on the way?” Mahmoud Nabavian, an outspoken radical lawmaker, asked on X days before Khamenei’s funeral.

“In these moments of farewell to (Khamenei), we raise the banner of vengeance for his blood and stand firm against the coup,” he wrote days later.

In Mojtaba’s absence, chief negotiator Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Pezeshkian and Araghchi have become the most visible faces in charge of post-war Iran.

On Tuesday, Nabavian, the hardline lawmaker who fiercely opposes the agreement and has been one of the leading voices warning of a “coup,” was removed from his position on the parliament’s National Security Commission, along with another parliamentarian critical of the deal.

Nabavian, who was part of Iran’s negotiating delegation before turning against the talks and attempted to derail the agreement by leaking the text to the media before it was signed last month, claimed that Iran’s negotiating team were defying the supreme leader’s red lines in their talks with the US. CNN could not reach Nabavian for comment.

He and others echo the views of “Jebhe-ye Paydari” (the Endurance Front) whose hardline members are often described by observers as “Super Revolutionaries.” They see themselves as the guardians of the values of the 1979 revolution that overthrew the pro-Western monarch and established a theocracy.

Experts say Iran’s visible leaders are actively trying to marginalize them.

“We’re seeing Ghalibaf exerting influence to sideline these hardline elements,” Hamidreza Azizi, a visiting fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, told CNN.

“They are too costly for the system and they’re bringing their rivalries out in the open especially as the situation in Iran becomes unstable.”

Their numbers are small, but they hold influential positions across the country, including in parliament and at the national broadcaster IRIB, which launched its own campaigns against the president.



Sudan’s Gum Arabic Industry Crippled as War and Displacement Take Their Toll

A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
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Sudan’s Gum Arabic Industry Crippled as War and Displacement Take Their Toll

A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)

Sudan’s war has driven thousands of gum arabic producers from their land, destroyed vast hashab and talh forests, and turned one of the country’s most strategic exports into the subject of international warnings over the possible use of its revenues to finance the conflict.

While the world struggles to trace the gum arabic trade, Sudanese producers face a different crisis: the loss of their land, harvests, and livelihoods, forcing many into displacement and dependence on humanitarian aid.

Aida Hassan has produced gum arabic in the Blue Nile State for more than 15 years, following a family trade passed down through generations. The income once allowed her family to save money and expand its forests and farms. The war, however, turned her from a self-reliant producer into a displaced woman waiting for humanitarian assistance.

She recalled fleeing after the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stormed the Bout area of Blue Nile State, looting her family’s harvest, farm equipment, and property. She and her relatives walked for 10 days to reach Damazin.

“What we are living through is like a piece of fire,” she said quietly. “All I have are my tears to cool its heat.”

Her story reflects the plight of thousands of producers forced to abandon Sudan’s gum arabic belt, which stretches across 13 states. Most production is concentrated in Kordofan and Darfur, where large areas have fallen under RSF control or become active battlefields, halting production and displacing farmers.

Harvested mainly from hashab and talh trees, gum arabic is a key ingredient in food, pharmaceutical, cosmetics, and soft drink manufacturing.

According to sector officials, Sudan supplies about 80 percent of global gum arabic production. But the war threatens that position as other countries expand output to benefit from disruptions to Sudanese supplies.

Abkar Adouma Ahmed, head of North Darfur’s gum arabic producers, told Asharq Al-Awsat that regional production has fallen below 30,000 metric tons after most producers fled deteriorating security conditions.

“The war destroyed the gum arabic trading exchange, wiped out productive forests, and severely damaged transport routes for moving crops to market,” he stated.

Awadallah Ibrahim, head of the Gum Arabic Farmers Union, estimated that about one million people work in the sector through 5,000 production associations.

Sudan produces around 20 varieties of gum arabic, with hashab and talh among the world’s finest, he said.

Before the war, Darfur produced more than 30,000 metric tons annually and Kordofan about 40,000, in addition to significant output from Blue Nile State. Some parts of Kordofan now produce only around 10,000 metric tons, while thousands of farmers have lost their livelihoods altogether.

Producers from Al-Fulah, En Nahud, Awlad Bakhit in West Kordofan; Ed Dubeibat and Al Quoz in South Kordofan; and large parts of East Darfur have fled to safer states or neighboring countries as their communities became front lines.

In South Kordofan, producers’ association member Othman Bugadi said production has stopped in Kadugli, Dilling, and Habila — three of the state’s seven gum arabic-producing localities. Many farmers have relocated to El Obeid.

Bugadi told Asharq Al-Awsat that Abu Jubeiha has become the main trading hub after markets in North Kordofan shut down, attracting companies seeking to buy the crop. However, many farmers have refused to return to areas recaptured by the army because of the lack of drinking water and the distance from displacement sites.

Production has also ceased in the area stretching west of El Obeid to En Nahud, home to more than 300 villages once known for producing premium gum arabic.

In Blue Nile, producer and trader Shaker Qandil said the RSF attacked previously peaceful areas and looted about 60 percent of the harvest.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that the hardest-hit areas lie north of Kurmuk, south of the Bao locality, and in the Arab area of Tadamon locality.

Fatima Mohamed Ramli, director of the “Natural Gums Department at the National Forest Corporation”, stressed that the war has wiped out entire forests and that only about 40 percent of the gum arabic belt is currently in production.

The agency plans to distribute one million seedlings across Kordofan to restore damaged forests.

The conflict has also fueled looting and smuggling that threaten Sudan’s position in global markets. Sudanese officials accuse the RSF of transporting gum arabic into neighboring countries.

A UN report likewise revealed that large quantities from RSF-controlled areas were moved through neighboring transit countries before being re-exported as local products, making their true origin difficult to trace.

Ahmed Naqad, spokesman for the government affiliated with the Tasis Alliance, did not respond to Asharq Al-Awsat’s request for comment.

Industry representatives agree that ending the war, while essential, will not by itself restore the sector. Recovery will require a comprehensive reconstruction program that finances producers who lost their crops and equipment, secures production areas, restores drinking water and basic services, rehabilitates roads and markets, and protects hashab and talh forests so Sudan can retain its position as the world’s leading producer and exporter of gum arabic.


What to Know about the Challenges Andy Burnham Will Face as UK Prime Minister

 Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
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What to Know about the Challenges Andy Burnham Will Face as UK Prime Minister

 Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)

Andy Burnham will enter 10 Downing Street on Monday with a wave of enthusiasm behind him and a mountain of challenges ahead.

His coronation as British prime minister may be short-lived as he faces the same struggles as his predecessor in trying to temper a cost-of-living crisis, improve overstretched public services, and step into the international spotlight during major wars in Ukraine and the Middle East.

He arrives after spending most of the past decade running Greater Manchester, in northwest England, before winning his ticket back to Parliament in a special election last month.

Leading a government delivering services for 70 million people will be a monumentally larger task with problems on a larger scale and facing issues foreign to a leader of a region with 3 million residents.

Here are the main issues confronting Burnham and some hints to how he may approach them:

Boosting the economy and decentralizing government

Burnham has been vague, but promised to provide details this week about how he would fund a domestic agenda to kick-start a sluggish economy, enhance services and raise living standards.

“This change today is the most significant change moment in our politics for 40 years," he said Friday as he became Labour Party leader. “It will take us to a country where life is more affordable, and all people and places are lifted from where they are now.”

Burnham inherits an economy that was improving until the Iran war upended forecasts and growth is now widely predicted to slow sharply over this year while inflation rises.

He has said he wants to equalize opportunities around the UK, particularly by decentralizing government, funneling money to local governments and taking back some services that were privatized four decades ago.

His brand of business-friendly socialism — known as “Manchesterism” and aiming to harness private and public money to invest in areas like transportation, housing and infrastructure — could take years to put in place.

Joshi Herrmann, founder of Manchester news site The Mill, who has covered Burnham for years, said he may be able to soften the blow for some people who are struggling.

“But if the essay question is who can get economic growth and who can remodel the economy in the post-Brexit, post-financial crash era, I’d be very surprised if the answer to that question is Andy Burnham,” Herrmann said.

With the uncertain state of public finances, Burnham won’t have much room to raise spending. He is replacing Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who was elected on a manifesto that ruled out increases in the government’s major tax rates, so he’s locked in unless he breaks those pledges.

Burnham said he would not rule out a wealth tax, telling Gary Lineker on the Goalhanger podcast last week that the government “might be having to ask for a little more."

Foreign policy and striking the right tone with Trump

Burnham has little foreign policy experience, but has promised to continue the government’s NATO commitment and support for the UK’s nuclear deterrent.

He said Britain will remain a strong booster of Ukraine and a firm United States ally.

Relations with the US could depend on how he interacts with a capricious President Donald Trump, who initially gave Starmer glowing reviews only to sour on him for not supporting his war with Iran.

Burnham has publicly criticized Trump in the past but has said he would deal with him respectfully, as he does with others, but would also be willing to disagree.

“I like to think I’ve got some personality myself and I’ll just, you know, I’ll deal with him very upfront in the same way,” he told Lineker. "Where you disagree, do it, but do it in a way that is kind of meeting him where he’s at.”

Trump has pushed NATO members to significantly boost military spending, and Burnham will be under pressure to exceed the defense spending goals set out by Starmer.

The defense plan calling for a 15-billion-pound ($20 billion) spending boost is much smaller than military leaders had sought and has been criticized for not being fully funded under the current budget.

Sensitive messaging about Israel's war with Hamas

Burnham has criticized Starmer's approach to Israel's war with Hamas and the devastation of Gaza.

Burnham condemned the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks on southern Israel by Hamas fighters, who killed around 1,200 people and took 251 others hostage, but said the British government waited too long to call for a ceasefire.

More than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, which is part of the Hamas-led government. The ministry, which does not differentiate between civilians and combatants, is staffed by medical professionals who maintain detailed records viewed as generally reliable by United Nations agencies and independent experts.

Burnham said the UK would consider further sanctions against Israelis involved in Gaza violence and illegal West Bank settlements.

The issue is a sensitive one for Labour, which was found to be tainted with antisemitism before Starmer took over, and also relies on the support of a large Muslim population.

Burnham’s comments drew a backlash from Jewish groups, but he's also been criticized by pro-Palestinian groups for not declaring Israel's bombardment of Gaza a genocide.

The thorny issue of migration

During his acceptance speech as Labour’s leader on Friday, Burnham did not mention immigration, which is a top issue for many voters.

Like much of Europe and other wealthier nations, the UK has seen an influx of migrants fleeing war-torn areas, famine, climate-driven crises, political persecution and poverty.

Concerns over English Channel crossings in overcrowded inflatable boats has helped propel the anti-immigration Reform UK party to victory in recent local and regional elections that led Labour to oust Starmer as leader.

Burnham has largely said he would follow the current Labour playbook on migration, which has touted reductions in net migration from more than 900,000 in 2023 to 171,000 last year. Channel crossings are down 40% this year compared to the same time in 2025.

Burnham wants to continue reducing net migration and voted in support of a bill that aims to further cut channel crossings and direct people to safer, legal routes.


In a Lebanon Museum, 'Keys Without Homes' Evoke Destruction in South

An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
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In a Lebanon Museum, 'Keys Without Homes' Evoke Destruction in South

An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP

Tears streamed down south Lebanon resident Fatima Hajj Ali's face as she stared at a host of keys hanging like windchimes from the ceiling of a Beirut museum -- each one symbolizing a home, like her own, destroyed by Israel.

Hajj Ali is among the thousands of southerners who lost their houses in the recent conflicts between Israel and Hezbollah, the first of which broke out in 2023 when the group launched attacks in support of its ally Hamas, and the second in March when it entered the Middle East war on the side of its backer Iran, AFP said.

"We were supposed to go home and open the door with the key, but there is no door anymore," the 23-year-old said.

Despite a lull in fighting following the signing of a memorandum of understanding between the United States and Iran on June 17, intermittent Israeli strikes continue, as do widespread demolitions in and around occupied villages, making it impossible for many people to return.

The exhibition "Hkeeli ya Jnoub", or "Tell me, O South", features pictures and videos preserving the memory of southern Lebanon at the capital's Beit Beirut museum.

Walking through, Hajj Ali reminisced on her home in Nabatieh al-Fawqa, which she was only able to visit once after an April truce that ultimately failed to stop the fighting.

"Half the house collapsed and half remained," she told AFP.

"I long for sunset and to hear the call to prayer in our garden while I drink my coffee," said the psychologist, adding that Beirut had "beautiful" places, but "they are not home".

One of the projects on display is "Keys Without Homes", which comprises videos of three southerners who kept the keys to their houses, even though they no longer exist.

The artist, 36-year-old Adeeb Farhat, himself from the south, said the idea came to him during the previous war in 2024, when he feared losing his own home.

"I was constantly haunted by the question: What will happen to my house? Will it be bombed? And how will my relationship with my house key change? Will we become the new Palestinians?" he said.

There is a longstanding tradition among Palestinians of keeping the keys of homes they lost during the Nakba -- or "catastrophe" in Arabic -- which saw the flight and expulsion of an estimated 760,000 Palestinian Arabs during the creation of the State of Israel in 1948.

- 'What Remains' -

Within the exhibition halls, a bedroom, living room and kitchen -- complete with a glass jug, coffee pot, and spice containers -- recreate details of daily life in the homes of southern Lebanese residents.

The exhibition also includes an old photograph of the coastal city of Tyre, a black-and-white video of Nabatieh, and notebooks in which visitors wrote down their memories of the south.

In another work called "What Remains", Sama Beydoun, 29 and living in Paris, showed pictures of her grandfather's now-destroyed home in Bint Jbeil, near the border with Israel, which she last saw in 2025.

However, a technical glitch resulted in most of the images appearing blurry, making them look like a "dream", Beydoun said.

"I remember how many people this house brought together, how my family grew up there, how many generations it witnessed, and how life changed, while some things remained constant", like the weekly Sunday gatherings, she said.

"Life was very simple, but it was beautiful."

In a photo essay called "Manufacturing Estrangements", Rawan Mazeh, 29, tells the story of a couple detained in the notorious Khiam Prison, run by the South Lebanon Army, an Israeli proxy militia, during Israel's 22-year occupation of south Lebanon that ended in 2000.

To Mazeh, the exhibition "created a comfortable place where people could come and feel close to their land".