Abbas Ibrahim … The Eyes and Ears of the Lebanese State

Lebanese General Security chief Major General Abbas Ibrahim. (NNA)
Lebanese General Security chief Major General Abbas Ibrahim. (NNA)
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Abbas Ibrahim … The Eyes and Ears of the Lebanese State

Lebanese General Security chief Major General Abbas Ibrahim. (NNA)
Lebanese General Security chief Major General Abbas Ibrahim. (NNA)

In the few years that followed his appointment as general director of the Lebanese General Security, Major General Abbas Ibrahim managed to prove himself to be a major sponsor of successful internal and foreign mediations, especially in regards to the fierce war his agency is waging against terrorist groups. He has, at the same time, managed to persuade these groups to accept deals, taking advantage of their ambitions and fears.

Ibrahim’s name rose to prominence in successful swap deals with terror groups where he played the role of “achieving the greatest possible gain, while paying the lowest possible price.” These prices were usually paid to the “pockets” of others, not the Lebanese state, which has never paid a dime in these deals that have involved its citizens and its territory.

Ibrahim’s special ties with the contradictory sides have made him an acceptable negotiator and an in-demand mediator in several internal and foreign affairs.

Based on his position as head of the General Security, Ibrahim plays the role of the “eyes and ears of the state.” He is the president’s aide on security files and is also tasked with working on several sensitive affairs, whether through special appointment or through the nature of his work. The reality on the ground however sees him playing a central role in combating terrorist groups through the General Security, which is working at a remarkably effective rate, in cooperation with the other security agencies. He is also in charge of the Palestinian and Syrian files in Lebanon, as well as the administrative role his institution plays in managing foreigners in Lebanon, whether they are artists, expatriates or terror groups.

Some believe that since his appointment to his post in July 2011, Ibrahim succeeded in avoiding being politically affiliated to a certain party. He stayed close to the side that named him – AMAL and “Hezbollah” that appoint all Shi’ite public employees to their posts – while convincing their rivals of his centrist mediator role. This therefor enabled him to maintain his position at a distance from the rival parties in Lebanon, giving himself ample room to maneuver to fulfill his security-political role.

Despite all this, Ibrahim has had his fair share of criticism from both rival parties, whether in his counter-terrorism duty that saw him work closely with the Syrian regime and “Hezbollah” or in his adherence to official institutions and accompanying the interior minister on visits and conferences.

As usual, Ibrahim treated each side with remarkable balance. On the one hand, he repeatedly hailed the role of the “resistance”, which shuts down his critics from the pro-”Hezbollah” camp, and on the other he also praised the official security institutions, which prevents the armed group’s rivals from going too far in criticizing him.

Those close to Ibrahim acknowledge the difficulty of the centrist role he is playing. Editor-in-chief of the “General Security” magazine Mounir Akiki said that Ibrahim has more than once “called on the Lebanese to steer clear of political disputes … stressing that all sides operate under the constitution and Taef Accord.” Lebanon unfortunately, lies in an arena of regional contradictions that affects everyone, but they are all ultimately bound to return to national principles, he noted.

At the General Security, Ibrahim sought to develop the agency and eliminate corruption, which he said usually comes from the head of an institution. If the leader lacks the necessary abilities to manage the institution, then it is doomed to fail.

Upon his appointment to his position, said Akiki, Ibrahim devised a set of programs and goals under the umbrella of the law and jurisdiction. This saw cooperation between the army, Internal Security Forces and State Security agency. Each one of them has its jurisdiction and duties under law. If all three work together properly, then a safe state can be established.

Syrian crisis

Ibrahim has also played a prominent role in mediations linked to the Syrian crisis. In 2012, a pro-Syrian opposition Lebanese group was ambushed by the regime and most of its members were killed. Ibrahim, after being tasked by the political authority, managed to contact the regime and return the corpses to their loved ones. A prisoner who had been captured by the regime was also released.

He played an even more important role after the abduction in Syria of a bus of Lebanese Shi’ites who were traveling from Iran to Lebanon. Here, Ibrahim used his ties with Turkish intelligence chief Hakan Fidan to work on releasing them. The mediation saw Ibrahim contact Turkey, Qatar and the Syrian regime to ensure their release.

Akiki attributed Ibrahim’s success in these deals to his belief in the importance of credibility, his official position and his personal relations. These factors allowed him to enter negotiations and continue with them. Ibrahim has not once made concessions at the expense of the Lebanese state, stressed Akiki.

“His smart negotiation skills, patience and knowledge of how the other side thinks, as well as the trust, credibility and direct ties that he enjoys, have built his success,” added Akiki.

He noted however that direct negotiations were never held with “terrorists”.

“I do not believe that he would accept to negotiate with them directly. There was a mediator tasked with relaying their conditions or demands to us and also relaying our own to them,” he explained.

Future ambition

Some say that Ibrahim is seeking to enter the political field in the future and that he is laying the foundation for it now. In his current role, he appears to be walking in the footsteps of Speaker Nabih Berri, who enjoys excellent ties with several main parties in Lebanon, as opposed to “Hezbollah”, which has a limited number of allies and several rivals.

On this speculation, Akiki said: “We need to wait five years (the end of Ibrahim’s term in office) to see if it will come true.”

Ibrahim says that he will be in the place where he will be able “to serve the most, which is what he is doing in his current post,” explained Akiki.

Profile

Abbas Ibrahim was born on March 2, 1959. He hails from the town of Kawthariyet al-Sayyad in southern Lebanon. He is married to Ghada Zeineddine and they have three children: Mohammed, Ali and Bilal.

He first enrolled in military school when he was 19 and he graduated three years later with the rank of lieutenant. Throughout the 1980s, he took part in several training courses in the military, culminating in an infantry course in the United States in 1989. This was followed by a computer course in 1996 to stay up to date with the electronic age. He also received advanced security training in the United Kingdom in 1998.

In 1989, Ibrahim was the personal bodyguard of Arab League envoy to Lebanon Lakhdar Brahimi. He was then appointed bodyguard to late President Elias al-Hrawi and remained in that post until 1992 when he was tasked with protecting then newly appointed Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. In 1994, he was appointed head of the counter-terrorism and espionage department at the intelligence directorate.

Between 2005 and 2008, Ibrahim was head of the intelligence bureau in the South, putting him on the frontlines of the unrest in the Palestinian refugee camp of Ain el-Hilweh and all of its complications. He has successfully dealt with this thorny issue, building special ties with the Palestinian leadership there, which he has since used to his advantage in his current post as head of General Security.

Commander of the Palestinian national security forces in Lebanon Sobhi Abou Arab told Asharq Al-Awsat that Ibrahim “was the first Lebanese official to enter the refugee camps and meet with all sides, including popular, organized and Islamic factions. He was the first to initiate contact out of his keenness on security and stability.” Abou Arab hailed Ibrahim’s calm approach, as well as his negotiation skills and diplomatic abilities.

Two years after his appointment as General Security chief in 2011, Ibrahim declared that he had remained at an equal distance from all sides and that he had sought to serve all citizens away from sectarian disputes. This was proven true, garnering him the trust of all sides, who have put their faith in him with the county’s most difficult and complicated files.



Sudan’s Gum Arabic Industry Crippled as War and Displacement Take Their Toll

A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
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Sudan’s Gum Arabic Industry Crippled as War and Displacement Take Their Toll

A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)

Sudan’s war has driven thousands of gum arabic producers from their land, destroyed vast hashab and talh forests, and turned one of the country’s most strategic exports into the subject of international warnings over the possible use of its revenues to finance the conflict.

While the world struggles to trace the gum arabic trade, Sudanese producers face a different crisis: the loss of their land, harvests, and livelihoods, forcing many into displacement and dependence on humanitarian aid.

Aida Hassan has produced gum arabic in the Blue Nile State for more than 15 years, following a family trade passed down through generations. The income once allowed her family to save money and expand its forests and farms. The war, however, turned her from a self-reliant producer into a displaced woman waiting for humanitarian assistance.

She recalled fleeing after the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stormed the Bout area of Blue Nile State, looting her family’s harvest, farm equipment, and property. She and her relatives walked for 10 days to reach Damazin.

“What we are living through is like a piece of fire,” she said quietly. “All I have are my tears to cool its heat.”

Her story reflects the plight of thousands of producers forced to abandon Sudan’s gum arabic belt, which stretches across 13 states. Most production is concentrated in Kordofan and Darfur, where large areas have fallen under RSF control or become active battlefields, halting production and displacing farmers.

Harvested mainly from hashab and talh trees, gum arabic is a key ingredient in food, pharmaceutical, cosmetics, and soft drink manufacturing.

According to sector officials, Sudan supplies about 80 percent of global gum arabic production. But the war threatens that position as other countries expand output to benefit from disruptions to Sudanese supplies.

Abkar Adouma Ahmed, head of North Darfur’s gum arabic producers, told Asharq Al-Awsat that regional production has fallen below 30,000 metric tons after most producers fled deteriorating security conditions.

“The war destroyed the gum arabic trading exchange, wiped out productive forests, and severely damaged transport routes for moving crops to market,” he stated.

Awadallah Ibrahim, head of the Gum Arabic Farmers Union, estimated that about one million people work in the sector through 5,000 production associations.

Sudan produces around 20 varieties of gum arabic, with hashab and talh among the world’s finest, he said.

Before the war, Darfur produced more than 30,000 metric tons annually and Kordofan about 40,000, in addition to significant output from Blue Nile State. Some parts of Kordofan now produce only around 10,000 metric tons, while thousands of farmers have lost their livelihoods altogether.

Producers from Al-Fulah, En Nahud, Awlad Bakhit in West Kordofan; Ed Dubeibat and Al Quoz in South Kordofan; and large parts of East Darfur have fled to safer states or neighboring countries as their communities became front lines.

In South Kordofan, producers’ association member Othman Bugadi said production has stopped in Kadugli, Dilling, and Habila — three of the state’s seven gum arabic-producing localities. Many farmers have relocated to El Obeid.

Bugadi told Asharq Al-Awsat that Abu Jubeiha has become the main trading hub after markets in North Kordofan shut down, attracting companies seeking to buy the crop. However, many farmers have refused to return to areas recaptured by the army because of the lack of drinking water and the distance from displacement sites.

Production has also ceased in the area stretching west of El Obeid to En Nahud, home to more than 300 villages once known for producing premium gum arabic.

In Blue Nile, producer and trader Shaker Qandil said the RSF attacked previously peaceful areas and looted about 60 percent of the harvest.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that the hardest-hit areas lie north of Kurmuk, south of the Bao locality, and in the Arab area of Tadamon locality.

Fatima Mohamed Ramli, director of the “Natural Gums Department at the National Forest Corporation”, stressed that the war has wiped out entire forests and that only about 40 percent of the gum arabic belt is currently in production.

The agency plans to distribute one million seedlings across Kordofan to restore damaged forests.

The conflict has also fueled looting and smuggling that threaten Sudan’s position in global markets. Sudanese officials accuse the RSF of transporting gum arabic into neighboring countries.

A UN report likewise revealed that large quantities from RSF-controlled areas were moved through neighboring transit countries before being re-exported as local products, making their true origin difficult to trace.

Ahmed Naqad, spokesman for the government affiliated with the Tasis Alliance, did not respond to Asharq Al-Awsat’s request for comment.

Industry representatives agree that ending the war, while essential, will not by itself restore the sector. Recovery will require a comprehensive reconstruction program that finances producers who lost their crops and equipment, secures production areas, restores drinking water and basic services, rehabilitates roads and markets, and protects hashab and talh forests so Sudan can retain its position as the world’s leading producer and exporter of gum arabic.


What to Know about the Challenges Andy Burnham Will Face as UK Prime Minister

 Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
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What to Know about the Challenges Andy Burnham Will Face as UK Prime Minister

 Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)

Andy Burnham will enter 10 Downing Street on Monday with a wave of enthusiasm behind him and a mountain of challenges ahead.

His coronation as British prime minister may be short-lived as he faces the same struggles as his predecessor in trying to temper a cost-of-living crisis, improve overstretched public services, and step into the international spotlight during major wars in Ukraine and the Middle East.

He arrives after spending most of the past decade running Greater Manchester, in northwest England, before winning his ticket back to Parliament in a special election last month.

Leading a government delivering services for 70 million people will be a monumentally larger task with problems on a larger scale and facing issues foreign to a leader of a region with 3 million residents.

Here are the main issues confronting Burnham and some hints to how he may approach them:

Boosting the economy and decentralizing government

Burnham has been vague, but promised to provide details this week about how he would fund a domestic agenda to kick-start a sluggish economy, enhance services and raise living standards.

“This change today is the most significant change moment in our politics for 40 years," he said Friday as he became Labour Party leader. “It will take us to a country where life is more affordable, and all people and places are lifted from where they are now.”

Burnham inherits an economy that was improving until the Iran war upended forecasts and growth is now widely predicted to slow sharply over this year while inflation rises.

He has said he wants to equalize opportunities around the UK, particularly by decentralizing government, funneling money to local governments and taking back some services that were privatized four decades ago.

His brand of business-friendly socialism — known as “Manchesterism” and aiming to harness private and public money to invest in areas like transportation, housing and infrastructure — could take years to put in place.

Joshi Herrmann, founder of Manchester news site The Mill, who has covered Burnham for years, said he may be able to soften the blow for some people who are struggling.

“But if the essay question is who can get economic growth and who can remodel the economy in the post-Brexit, post-financial crash era, I’d be very surprised if the answer to that question is Andy Burnham,” Herrmann said.

With the uncertain state of public finances, Burnham won’t have much room to raise spending. He is replacing Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who was elected on a manifesto that ruled out increases in the government’s major tax rates, so he’s locked in unless he breaks those pledges.

Burnham said he would not rule out a wealth tax, telling Gary Lineker on the Goalhanger podcast last week that the government “might be having to ask for a little more."

Foreign policy and striking the right tone with Trump

Burnham has little foreign policy experience, but has promised to continue the government’s NATO commitment and support for the UK’s nuclear deterrent.

He said Britain will remain a strong booster of Ukraine and a firm United States ally.

Relations with the US could depend on how he interacts with a capricious President Donald Trump, who initially gave Starmer glowing reviews only to sour on him for not supporting his war with Iran.

Burnham has publicly criticized Trump in the past but has said he would deal with him respectfully, as he does with others, but would also be willing to disagree.

“I like to think I’ve got some personality myself and I’ll just, you know, I’ll deal with him very upfront in the same way,” he told Lineker. "Where you disagree, do it, but do it in a way that is kind of meeting him where he’s at.”

Trump has pushed NATO members to significantly boost military spending, and Burnham will be under pressure to exceed the defense spending goals set out by Starmer.

The defense plan calling for a 15-billion-pound ($20 billion) spending boost is much smaller than military leaders had sought and has been criticized for not being fully funded under the current budget.

Sensitive messaging about Israel's war with Hamas

Burnham has criticized Starmer's approach to Israel's war with Hamas and the devastation of Gaza.

Burnham condemned the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks on southern Israel by Hamas fighters, who killed around 1,200 people and took 251 others hostage, but said the British government waited too long to call for a ceasefire.

More than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, which is part of the Hamas-led government. The ministry, which does not differentiate between civilians and combatants, is staffed by medical professionals who maintain detailed records viewed as generally reliable by United Nations agencies and independent experts.

Burnham said the UK would consider further sanctions against Israelis involved in Gaza violence and illegal West Bank settlements.

The issue is a sensitive one for Labour, which was found to be tainted with antisemitism before Starmer took over, and also relies on the support of a large Muslim population.

Burnham’s comments drew a backlash from Jewish groups, but he's also been criticized by pro-Palestinian groups for not declaring Israel's bombardment of Gaza a genocide.

The thorny issue of migration

During his acceptance speech as Labour’s leader on Friday, Burnham did not mention immigration, which is a top issue for many voters.

Like much of Europe and other wealthier nations, the UK has seen an influx of migrants fleeing war-torn areas, famine, climate-driven crises, political persecution and poverty.

Concerns over English Channel crossings in overcrowded inflatable boats has helped propel the anti-immigration Reform UK party to victory in recent local and regional elections that led Labour to oust Starmer as leader.

Burnham has largely said he would follow the current Labour playbook on migration, which has touted reductions in net migration from more than 900,000 in 2023 to 171,000 last year. Channel crossings are down 40% this year compared to the same time in 2025.

Burnham wants to continue reducing net migration and voted in support of a bill that aims to further cut channel crossings and direct people to safer, legal routes.


In a Lebanon Museum, 'Keys Without Homes' Evoke Destruction in South

An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
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In a Lebanon Museum, 'Keys Without Homes' Evoke Destruction in South

An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP

Tears streamed down south Lebanon resident Fatima Hajj Ali's face as she stared at a host of keys hanging like windchimes from the ceiling of a Beirut museum -- each one symbolizing a home, like her own, destroyed by Israel.

Hajj Ali is among the thousands of southerners who lost their houses in the recent conflicts between Israel and Hezbollah, the first of which broke out in 2023 when the group launched attacks in support of its ally Hamas, and the second in March when it entered the Middle East war on the side of its backer Iran, AFP said.

"We were supposed to go home and open the door with the key, but there is no door anymore," the 23-year-old said.

Despite a lull in fighting following the signing of a memorandum of understanding between the United States and Iran on June 17, intermittent Israeli strikes continue, as do widespread demolitions in and around occupied villages, making it impossible for many people to return.

The exhibition "Hkeeli ya Jnoub", or "Tell me, O South", features pictures and videos preserving the memory of southern Lebanon at the capital's Beit Beirut museum.

Walking through, Hajj Ali reminisced on her home in Nabatieh al-Fawqa, which she was only able to visit once after an April truce that ultimately failed to stop the fighting.

"Half the house collapsed and half remained," she told AFP.

"I long for sunset and to hear the call to prayer in our garden while I drink my coffee," said the psychologist, adding that Beirut had "beautiful" places, but "they are not home".

One of the projects on display is "Keys Without Homes", which comprises videos of three southerners who kept the keys to their houses, even though they no longer exist.

The artist, 36-year-old Adeeb Farhat, himself from the south, said the idea came to him during the previous war in 2024, when he feared losing his own home.

"I was constantly haunted by the question: What will happen to my house? Will it be bombed? And how will my relationship with my house key change? Will we become the new Palestinians?" he said.

There is a longstanding tradition among Palestinians of keeping the keys of homes they lost during the Nakba -- or "catastrophe" in Arabic -- which saw the flight and expulsion of an estimated 760,000 Palestinian Arabs during the creation of the State of Israel in 1948.

- 'What Remains' -

Within the exhibition halls, a bedroom, living room and kitchen -- complete with a glass jug, coffee pot, and spice containers -- recreate details of daily life in the homes of southern Lebanese residents.

The exhibition also includes an old photograph of the coastal city of Tyre, a black-and-white video of Nabatieh, and notebooks in which visitors wrote down their memories of the south.

In another work called "What Remains", Sama Beydoun, 29 and living in Paris, showed pictures of her grandfather's now-destroyed home in Bint Jbeil, near the border with Israel, which she last saw in 2025.

However, a technical glitch resulted in most of the images appearing blurry, making them look like a "dream", Beydoun said.

"I remember how many people this house brought together, how my family grew up there, how many generations it witnessed, and how life changed, while some things remained constant", like the weekly Sunday gatherings, she said.

"Life was very simple, but it was beautiful."

In a photo essay called "Manufacturing Estrangements", Rawan Mazeh, 29, tells the story of a couple detained in the notorious Khiam Prison, run by the South Lebanon Army, an Israeli proxy militia, during Israel's 22-year occupation of south Lebanon that ended in 2000.

To Mazeh, the exhibition "created a comfortable place where people could come and feel close to their land".