Asharq Al-Awsat Tours Extremist Dens in Libya: The Story of Sidi Khreibish

A man stands next to the rubble of a destroyed building in Sabri, a central Benghazi district, Libya, August 15, 2017. (Reuters)
A man stands next to the rubble of a destroyed building in Sabri, a central Benghazi district, Libya, August 15, 2017. (Reuters)
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Asharq Al-Awsat Tours Extremist Dens in Libya: The Story of Sidi Khreibish

A man stands next to the rubble of a destroyed building in Sabri, a central Benghazi district, Libya, August 15, 2017. (Reuters)
A man stands next to the rubble of a destroyed building in Sabri, a central Benghazi district, Libya, August 15, 2017. (Reuters)

The Libyan army, commanded by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, announced last summer the liberation of the city of Benghazi from extremist and terrorist groups. However, dozens of gunmen still remain fortified and besieged in the Sidi Khreibish neighborhood, said sources close to the army.

They estimated their numbers to be 90, but sources close to the besieged said that they were closer to 150.

In the second part of a series of features on the extremist dens in Libya, Asharq Al-Awsat took a closer look at the Sidi Khreibish neighborhood, which has become unrecognizable after years of fighting.

The area, known as Old Benghazi, used to be a cultural and shopping hub. Now its streets are littered with explosives and its empty buildings carry the scars of war.

A military officer accompanied Asharq Al-Awsat on its tour. He said that the gunmen have taken up al-Baladi Hotel as their main headquarters.

“We are monitoring them, but entering the area is difficult at the moment,” he continued.

“There is no doubt that we will eventually get there and regain the position,” he stressed, while explaining that the army will incur great losses in the impending battle because the besieged fighters have booby-trapped “everything” in the area.

The Libyan army has described the gunmen as ISIS members, but a mediator close to the armed groups said that they belong to the so-called “Libya 1 Shield,” which was formed three years ago at the national general conference (former parliament) in order to defend Benghazi.

The military official added that the ISIS terrorists have not only booby-trapped the area, but they have also dug underground tunnels where snipers lie in wait.

“They are surviving on expired food and it would be easy for us to bombard them with airstrikes, but we want them alive,” he declared.

Their capture will be valuable because they will be able to inform authorities about the local terror groups’ ties with international ones that are seeking chaos and destruction in Benghazi.

The mediator meanwhile said that the sides that have embroiled these fighters in the Benghazi war do not want them to leave the Sidi Khreibish battle alive.

“If they do, they will expose their backers, who have involved them in the fighting that has been ongoing throughout Libya since 2014,” he added.

Asked if there were any military personnel among the besieged fighters, he replied there are perhaps two or three, but the rest are civilians from the Libya 1 Shield.

He revealed that there have been previous local and international mediation efforts to end the siege, but they have been thwarted by the Muslim Brotherhood and another group. These two parties have been waging “nonstop” anti-military propaganda, alleging that the army was besieging Sidi Khreibish, he said.

“I think someone is benefiting from the continuation of this problem,” he remarked to Asharq Al-Awsat.

A walk in one of Sidi Khreibish’s neighborhoods reveals colored ribbons along the sidewalks and abandoned buildings.

A red and white ribbon means that areas beyond that point were dangerous. Despite the warning, some families attempted to go back to their homes, away from the military’s protection.

One of these families managed to reach their home, located on the second floor of a residential building on al-Shweikhat street, but they were soon surprised to find that it was in the hands of extremists.

The terrorists eventually withdrew, but not without booby-trapping the house, thereby claiming the life of the entire family.

Majed, one of the family’s neighbors in the four-storey building, said that the family did not heed warnings against entering the area. They ignored the ribbons that the military had placed and mine warnings.

Majed volunteered with the army and become a trained soldier.

He spoke of how ISIS had occupied and later completely destroyed his home.

“On the outside, it looked undamaged, but on the inside it was total destruction,” he recalled.

The building was planted with mines and they are still there.

“Two of my neighbors were killed when they returned to inspect their homes after ISIS’ retreat,” Majed explained.

His brother, Darwish, was also killed in the fighting in Sidi Khreibish.

Despite the destruction, residents and construction workers derive hope from an elderly woman, Hajja Khadija, who remained in Sidi Khreibish throughout the years of the fighting.

With a smile of determination and defiance, one of the workers said: “We ware happy to see residents return to the areas that have been cleared of explosives … We will not forget Hajja Khadija, who remained in her house in spite of the war and death.”

“After the fighting eased, we returned to fix electrical cables and Hajja Khadija used to check up on us to encourage us, bringing with her breakfast and lunch,” he said.



As the UN Turns 80, Its Crucial Humanitarian Aid Work Faces a Clouded Future

Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
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As the UN Turns 80, Its Crucial Humanitarian Aid Work Faces a Clouded Future

Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Students in an English class at a primary school run by URWA for Palestinian refugees at the Mar Elias refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 2, 2025. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

At a refugee camp in northern Kenya, Aujene Cimanimpaye waits as a hot lunch of lentils and sorghum is ladled out for her and her nine children — all born while she has received United Nations assistance since fleeing her violence-wracked home in Congo in 2007.

“We cannot go back home because people are still being killed,” the 41-year-old said at the Kakuma camp, where the UN World Food Program and UN refugee agency help support more than 300,000 refugees, The Associated Press said.

Her family moved from Nakivale Refugee Settlement in neighboring Uganda three years ago to Kenya, now home to more than a million refugees from dozens of conflict-hit east African countries.

A few kilometers (miles) away at the Kalobeyei Refugee Settlement, fellow Congolese refugee Bahati Musaba, a mother of five, said that since 2016, “UN agencies have supported my children’s education — we get food and water and even medicine,” as well as cash support from WFP to buy food and other basics.

This year, those cash transfers — and many other UN aid activities — have stopped, threatening to upend or jeopardize millions of lives.

As the UN marks its 80th anniversary this month, its humanitarian agencies are facing one of the greatest crises in their history: The biggest funder — the United States — under the Trump administration and other Western donors have slashed international aid spending. Some want to use the money to build up national defense.

Some UN agencies are increasingly pointing fingers at one another as they battle over a shrinking pool of funding, said a diplomat from a top donor country who spoke on condition of anonymity to comment freely about the funding crisis faced by some UN agencies.

Such pressures, humanitarian groups say, diminish the pivotal role of the UN and its partners in efforts to save millions of lives — by providing tents, food and water to people fleeing unrest in places like Myanmar, Sudan, Syria and Venezuela, or helping stamp out smallpox decades ago.

“It’s the most abrupt upheaval of humanitarian work in the UN in my 40 years as a humanitarian worker, by far,” said Jan Egeland, a former UN humanitarian aid chief who now heads the Norwegian Refugee Council. “And it will make the gap between exploding needs and contributions to aid work even bigger.”

‘Brutal’ cuts to humanitarian aid programs UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has asked the heads of UN agencies to find ways to cut 20% of their staffs, and his office in New York has floated sweeping ideas about reform that could vastly reshape the way the United Nations doles out aid.

Humanitarian workers often face dangers and go where many others don’t — to slums to collect data on emerging viruses or drought-stricken areas to deliver water.

The UN says 2024 was the deadliest year for humanitarian personnel on record, mainly due to the war in Gaza. In February, it suspended aid operations in the stronghold of Yemen’s Houthi group, who have detained dozens of UN and other aid workers.

Proponents say UN aid operations have helped millions around the world affected by poverty, illness, conflict, hunger and other troubles.

Critics insist many operations have become bloated, replete with bureaucratic perks and a lack of accountability, and are too distant from in-the-field needs. They say postcolonial Western donations have fostered dependency and corruption, which stifles the ability of countries to develop on their own, while often UN-backed aid programs that should be time-specific instead linger for many years with no end in sight.

In the case of the Nobel Peace Prize-winning WFP and the UN’s refugee and migration agencies, the US has represented at least 40% of their total budgets, and Trump administration cuts to roughly $60 billion in US foreign assistance have hit hard. Each UN agency has been cutting thousands of jobs and revising aid spending.

“It's too brutal what has happened,” said Egeland, alluding to cuts that have jolted the global aid community. “However, it has forced us to make priorities ... what I hope is that we will be able to shift more of our resources to the front lines of humanity and have less people sitting in offices talking about the problem.”

With the UN Security Council's divisions over wars in Ukraine and the Middle East hindering its ability to prevent or end conflict in recent years, humanitarian efforts to vaccinate children against polio or shelter and feed refugees have been a bright spot of UN activity. That's dimming now.

Not just funding cuts cloud the future of UN humanitarian work

Aside from the cuts and dangers faced by humanitarian workers, political conflict has at times overshadowed or impeded their work.

UNRWA, the aid agency for Palestinian refugees, has delivered an array of services to millions — food, education, jobs and much more — in Lebanon, Syria and Jordan as well as in the West Bank and Gaza since its founding in 1948.

Israel claims the agency's schools fan antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment, which the agency denies. Israel says Hamas siphons off UN aid in Gaza to profit from it, while UN officials insist most aid gets delivered directly to the needy.

“UNRWA is like one of the foundations of your home. If you remove it, everything falls apart,” said Issa Haj Hassan, 38, after a checkup at a small clinic at the Mar Elias Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut.

UNRWA covers his diabetes and blood pressure medication, as well as his wife’s heart medicine. The United States, Israel's top ally, has stopped contributing to UNRWA; it once provided a third of its funding. Earlier this year, Israel banned the aid group, which has strived to continue its work nonetheless.

Ibtisam Salem, a single mother of five in her 50s who shares a small one-room apartment in Beirut with relatives who sleep on the floor, said: “If it wasn’t for UNRWA we would die of starvation. ... They helped build my home, and they give me health care. My children went to their schools.”

Especially when it comes to food and hunger, needs worldwide are growing even as funding to address them shrinks.

“This year, we have estimated around 343 million acutely food insecure people,” said Carl Skau, WFP deputy executive director. “It’s a threefold increase if we compare four years ago. And this year, our funding is dropping 40%. So obviously that’s an equation that doesn’t come together easily.”

Billing itself as the world's largest humanitarian organization, WFP has announced plans to cut about a quarter of its 22,000 staff.

The aid landscape is shifting

One question is how the United Nations remains relevant as an aid provider when global cooperation is on the outs, and national self-interest and self-defense are on the upswing.

The United Nations is not alone: Many of its aid partners are feeling the pinch. Groups like GAVI, which tries to ensure fair distribution of vaccines around the world, and the Global Fund, which spends billions each year to help battle HIV, tuberculosis and malaria, have been hit by Trump administration cuts to the US Agency for International Development.

Some private-sector, government-backed groups also are cropping up, including the divisive Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which has been providing some food to Palestinians. But violence has erupted as crowds try to reach the distribution sites.

The future of UN aid, experts say, will rest where it belongs — with the world body's 193 member countries.

“We need to take that debate back into our countries, into our capitals, because it is there that you either empower the UN to act and succeed — or you paralyze it,” said Achim Steiner, administrator of the UN Development Program.