Lebanese Officials Recall to Asharq Al-Awsat How they Heard News of Rafik Hariri’s Assassination

Former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was killed in a massive bombing in Beirut on February 14, 2005. (AFP)
Former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was killed in a massive bombing in Beirut on February 14, 2005. (AFP)
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Lebanese Officials Recall to Asharq Al-Awsat How they Heard News of Rafik Hariri’s Assassination

Former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was killed in a massive bombing in Beirut on February 14, 2005. (AFP)
Former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was killed in a massive bombing in Beirut on February 14, 2005. (AFP)

Lebanon’s Mustaqbal Movement will hold on Wednesday a ceremony marking the 13th anniversary of the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.

Held in Beirut, the ceremony will be an opportunity for the Mustaqbal bloc to underline the importance of supporting the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) that is probing the murder in order to achieve justice and eliminate impunity in Lebanon.

Various political parties have been invited to the ceremony. The “Hezbollah” party, whose members have been indicted in the assassination, has been excluded from the event.

Rafik Hariri’s son, Prime Minister Saad Hariri is set to deliver a 40-minute speech on the commemoration that will be held in Beirut. He will not address the upcoming polls, but focus on the current reality in Lebanon and the region and stress the principles that the Movement and late premier represent.

Rafik Hariri and 21 others were killed in a massive bombing in Beirut on February 14, 2005. A parliament session, which the late premier attended, was held in the capital minutes before the assassination. Many in Lebanon blame the Syrian regime for being behind the crime because it had at the time been imposing its political and security hegemony over its smaller neighbor.

Peaceful popular protests broke out in Lebanon in wake of the assassination. Demonstrators called for the resignation of then President Emile Lahoud and the government of late PM Omar Karami. They also called on Syria to withdraw its troops from Lebanon.

On the 13th anniversary of the assassination, Asharq Al-Awsat spoke to Lebanese officials who were close to the late Hariri and who met with him only minutes before his murder.

Former President Michel Suleiman: Strife was being plotted against Lebanon

On February 14, 2005, former President Michel Suleiman, then army commander, was preparing to have lunch at the military headquarters in Yarze, when he heard the loud explosion that took Hariri’s life. He immediately headed to the general command center and ordered for units to mobilize and carried out a series of contacts to follow up on the developments on the ground.

“I worked hard to preserve the democratic nature of the demonstrations. The army was given clear orders to prevent any tensions between protesters in order to preserve both security and freedom,” he explained.

“This allowed the demonstrators to express their feelings with complete freedom, contrary to the expectations of the political authorities at the time,” he recalled.

This atmosphere helped set the scene for the March 14, 2005, two-million strong popular demonstration that essentially led to the Syrian troop withdrawal from Lebanon on April 26 later that year, added Suleiman.

“With the assassination of a figure as powerful as Hariri, I realized at once that major strife was being plotted against Lebanon,” he stated.

“The orders to the army were clear however and they stipulated the need to avert strife and preserve security,” he said, while also crediting the Hariri family’s call on the people to exercise restraint for ensuring that protests remained peaceful and paved the way for Lebanon to regain its sovereignty.

MP Ghazi al-Aridi: Lebanon is now in a different place

A day before Hariri’s assassination, MP and former minister Ghazi al-Aridi had visited the slain former premier’s house four times in one day. The last meeting took place at 11:45 pm.

“We were attempting to expand the opposition ranks,” explained the Democratic Gathering MP to Asharq Al-Awsat.

On Monday, the day of the assassination, he said that MPs Mohammed al-Safadi and Mosbah al-Ahdab were scheduled to have lunch with Democratic Gathering leader MP Walid Jumblat at his Beirut residence.

“I was supposed to have lunch with them as well and I informed Hariri of what were were going to discuss. He told me to meet him as soon as we were done,” continued Aridi.

When Hariri left the parliament session on that fateful day, “he told me ‘come, have lunch with me.’ I replied by reminding him of my prior engagement. He then told me to join him at his house.”

Aridi then headed to Jumblat’s residence, where he found the MP cutting newspaper articles, as is his habit, to read it later. He was informed that the lunch was canceled due to “pressure from the security agencies”.

“Before we could finish our conversation, we were surprised with a very loud explosion. Walid looked at me and I immediately told him, ‘It’s the prime minister.’ The MP sent out some of his aides and they soon returned to us with the bad news,” Aridi recalled.

“We then set out on foot to the nearby American University of Beirut Medical Center (AUBMC). There I met the University’s security chief and childhood colleague, Saad Shalak, who took me aside and confirmed to me that it was Hariri, adding, ‘Everything is over,’” said the MP.

Thirteen years later, Aridi said that Lebanon is now “in a different place from where it was when Hariri was assassinated.”

“This is due to a miscalculation in managing the battle,” he explained. He referred to the famed opposition meeting on the night of the assassination when the gatherers failed to demand the resignation of President Lahoud.

“Many major mistakes were committed by the opposition. We need to critique what led us to where we are now and see how we can face the upcoming phase,” he stressed.

Journalist Faisal Salman: Cafe meeting preceded the explosion

The morning of February 14, 2005, was like any other Monday when Hariri would meet a few politician and journalist friends at a cafe near the parliament building. Journalist Faisal Salman was among those meeting the former PM on that last morning. He was also joined with head of Hariri’s security team Yehya al-Arab and a few other figures at the end of the parliament meeting.

Salman was seated between Hariri and late minister Bassel Fuleihan, who informed him that he had returned to Lebanon from abroad to urge Hariri to leave the country. He had received information from a British intelligence official that an assassination against Hariri was being plotted. Fuleihan had asked Salman to help him persuade Hariri to leave the country.

This sensitive issue could not however be brought up at the cafe meeting at the time because several other figures were seated with them.

Hariri, accompanied by Fuleihan, soon left the gathering and minutes later the explosion rocked the capital. Fuleihan initially survived the bombing, sustaining severe burns, but he succumbed to his injuries on April 18, 2005.

Chaos ensued at parliament square when the explosion was heard. Salman recalled seeing Hariri’s sister, MP Bahia, exit the building in a state of panic and fear that something had happened to her brother. At her request, the journalist accompanied the lawmaker to AUBMC, which was already flooded with people anxiously waiting to hear the news about the former premier.

Hariri’s personal doctor Jaber Sawaya delivered the news to Salman, who asked to see the body.

“I still remember his face as if it were yesterday. It was as if nothing was wrong with him. Only a few black spots blemished his face,” said Salman.

Thirteen years later, he stated: “Lebanon as a country with its national concepts no longer exists. The assassination of someone like Hariri, who did so much for reconstructing Lebanon, killed with it the future and hope of post-war Lebanon.”

“I lived through the war and accompanied Hariri during the majority of his career. I was a witness to his efforts and ties he forged with people. I saw for myself how some sides would confront him and put obstacles in his way to prevent him from completing his mission,” he added.

“One can sum up Hariri’s impact on Lebanon by noting that the 1988 public debt in the country was at $15 billion and now the figure is at $80 billion, not counting interest,” Salman remarked.

MP Butros Harb: The power of the explosion reflects the importance of the victim

Like other lawmakers, MP and former minister Butros Harb was present at parliament when the powerful explosion took place at around noon on February 14, 2005.

“The power of the explosion made us realize the size of the bombing. Like many of my colleagues the first victim that came to mind was Hariri given the toxic political atmosphere at the time,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“It was obvious that he was in danger due to his clash with the Syrian regime and its allies,” he explained.

Speaker Nabih Berri then adjourned the parliament session and carried out contacts with security officials and confirmed that Hariri was indeed the target.

“I had met Hariri a few month earlier in Paris and warned him” of attempts against his life, said Harb. He replied by saying that he had “international guarantees” that would protect him.

Thirteen years later, Harb voiced fears that the cause for which the former PM was assassinated for may have “gone in vain”, just like the victims of the murder.

Former minister and MP Fares Boueiz: On-air statement saved my life

The image of Boueiz making a live statement in front of the cameras before being interrupted by the sudden blast and ensuing confusion summed up the situation Lebanon found itself in on February 14, 2005.

Boueiz told Asharq Al-Awsat how divine intervention had saved him from the explosion.

“My request to speak at the parliament saved my life,” he said.

He revealed that prior to the meeting, he had turned down a lunch appointment at a restaurant located close to the blast site.

“I met Hariri by chance near the parliament building and he invited me to join him at the nearby cafe, but I declined. He then looked up at the sky and told me, ‘The electoral law is now a reality and there is no point discussing it.’ He then asked me to join him for lunch at his Qoreitem residence. He added, ‘If you come out early, then I will be at the cafe and we can go have lunch together. If you are late, then I will wait for you at the house,’” said Boueiz.

The former MP however was delayed at parliament and he could not join Hariri at the cafe. Minutes later as he was making a statement to reporters when the explosion took place.

“At that moment I stood frozen due to the massiveness of the bombing and the cameras that were fixed before me. One of the reporters soon ran up to us to inform us that an explosion had taken place in Downtown Beirut,” he continued.

“Hariri came to my mind at that moment. I immediately telephoned his house and the operator asked me if I wanted to speak to him. His response assured me because it gave me the impression that he had arrived safely,” Boueiz said.

“I then told the operator that I did not need to speak to Hariri and hung up. I recounted this incident to MP Farid Makari, whom I met by chance at parliament. He too telephoned Hariri’s house and received the same response from the operator,” he added.

Boueiz’s ease of mind did not last long. He decided to head to the blast scene to get a closer look, believing that it may have been caused by a fuel truck explosion. He failed to get far due to the heavy traffic. He decided to head to Hariri’s home where he met Salman on the way, who broke the news to him of the former PM’s assassination.

“The news had made it to Qoreitem where youths had already gathered and were chanting anti-Syria slogans. At that moment, I realized that what Salman had told me was the truth and the telephone operator had mistakenly believed that Hariri had actually arrived at his house,” he stated.

Since that day, Boueiz said that Lebanon is still suffering the repercussions of the assassination, which include a dangerous sectarian divide and strained ties between pro- and anti-Syria parties, as well a complicated ties with the Syrian regime itself.



How Trump’s Decisions Reshaped Syria

A photo of US President Donald Trump meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Washington on Nov. 10 (AFP)
A photo of US President Donald Trump meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Washington on Nov. 10 (AFP)
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How Trump’s Decisions Reshaped Syria

A photo of US President Donald Trump meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Washington on Nov. 10 (AFP)
A photo of US President Donald Trump meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Washington on Nov. 10 (AFP)

In a crowded regional and international landscape shaped by overlapping security, strategic, economic, and political pressures, the administration of US President Donald Trump has moved since its return to the White House in January 2025 to recalibrate its approach to Syria.

After years of US policy marked by hesitation and competing agendas, particularly under the administrations of Barack Obama and Joe Biden, Washington is now pursuing a more direct and openly pragmatic course, one focused on achieving tangible results on the ground and managing delicate balances, rather than ideological commitments or long-term strategic gambles.

The shift reflects profound changes inside Syria itself, led by the collapse of the former regime and the emergence of a new government seeking to consolidate domestic legitimacy and secure international recognition.

These developments coincide with the persistent threat posed by ISIS, a retreat in Iranian influence, and the expanding regional roles of Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, and Qatar.

Within this evolving landscape, Washington is repositioning its policy in line with what officials describe as Trump’s Middle East doctrine, centered on enforcing stability, limiting the costs of direct military involvement, and opening pathways for reconstruction, development, and investment.

Interests before ideology

Commenting on this shift, Firas Fahham, a researcher at the Abaad Studies Center, said President Trump’s policy toward Syria could be described as “decidedly pragmatic,” focusing primarily on international and economic interests while setting aside the ideological or intellectual background of Syria’s new government.

Fahham said the central pillar of the emerging convergence between Washington and Damascus was preventing the return of Iranian influence to Syria, a goal that sits at the top of the current US administration’s priorities.

He added that this approach could not be separated from the positions of Arab states allied with the United States, which have openly supported the new Syrian government, led by Saudi Arabia, followed by Türkiye and Qatar.

Fahham said the Trump administration had shown a willingness to respond to these positions, viewing them as a key foundation for rebuilding regional alliances.

Comparing the approach with previous administrations, Fahham said the policies of Obama and Biden had been closer to allowing Iran a free hand in the region and supporting minority influence, particularly through close cooperation with the Syrian Democratic Forces, known as the SDF.

He said this had complicated the landscape and weakened prospects for establishing a strong central state capable of maintaining security and preventing the return of extremist groups.

From Riyadh to Washington...turning points

Fahham traced key milestones in Trump’s new policy, saying the starting point came during meetings held in Riyadh in June, when the US president, at the request of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, announced the lifting of sanctions on Syria.

He described the move as the first positive signal from Washington toward Damascus. This was followed by a trilateral meeting bringing together Trump, the Saudi Crown Prince, and Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, during which the US president offered notable praise for his Syrian counterpart, reflecting Washington’s desire for political openness.

The most important moment, Fahham said, came at the Washington summit held in November, when Trump received President al-Sharaa at the White House in what he described as a pivotal turning point.

Following the meeting, the US administration began concrete efforts to pressure Congress to repeal the Caesar Act, while announcing Syria’s inclusion in the international coalition against ISIS.

This, Fahham said, shifted the relationship from limited coordination to something resembling an alliance.

The SDF and the future of eastern Syria

On the issue of the Syrian Democratic Forces, Fahham said the Trump administration was dealing with the matter from a strictly practical standpoint, balancing its interests with Syria’s new government, reflected in reduced support for the SDF compared with the Biden era, and its interests with its Turkish ally.

Washington, he said, now views Damascus as the most effective actor in the fight against ISIS.

This assessment, he said, was based on recommendations from US research centers. They concluded that previous reliance on the Kurdish component alone, and practices associated with it in eastern Syria, had created a sense of grievance that ISIS later exploited for recruitment.

As a result, the administration became convinced that cooperation with Damascus was more effective.

In a related context, Fahham said Washington viewed Israeli incursions in southern Syria with dissatisfaction, considering them destabilizing and contrary to Trump’s vision for regional development.

The United States, he added, fears that weakening the Syrian government could reopen the door to renewed Iranian influence and ISIS activity.

As for the southern province of Sweida, Fahham said the US administration supports integrating the province into the state, citing remarks by US envoy Tom Barrack, who stated that decentralization had failed in the Middle East, reflecting a preference for backing a unified Syria.

A parallel reading from the military establishment

From another angle, researcher on armed groups Raed al-Hamed offered a complementary reading of the US position.

He said that although Trump, during his first term, had moved toward withdrawing forces and ending the partnership with the SDF, warnings from senior military commanders about a possible ISIS resurgence after the battle of Baghouz in March 2019 prompted him to keep about 2,000 troops in Syria.

Al-Hamed noted that the partnership with the SDF dated back to the battle of Kobani in 2015, when Washington relied on the group as a ground force.

However, he said the new policy following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime and Syria’s entry into the international coalition was now based on refusing to recognize any independent entity east of the Euphrates and rejecting federal formulas similar to Iraq’s Kurdistan region.

Al-Hamed said the new policy offered no real US guarantees to the SDF in the face of Türkiye and coincided with pressure to integrate the group into Syria’s military and security institutions, in line with the vision of the Syrian government, which rejects any armed presence outside the framework of the state.

This, he said, is still rejected by the SDF as the deadline approaches for implementing the March agreement with the government in Damascus, scheduled for the end of this year.

Overall, the Syrian scene appears to have entered a pivotal phase that goes beyond traditional conflict equations, laying the groundwork for a new reality governed by the language of interests and reciprocal security arrangements.

While Washington and its regional allies, particularly Riyadh and Ankara, are betting on the ability of the new leadership in Damascus to impose stability and end years of chaos, observers say the success of this path will depend on developments on the ground in the coming months.

The ability of the “new republic” to balance the demands of internal reconciliation with the conditions of external alliances will be the decisive test in determining whether this turn truly marks the opening chapter of an end to years of US hesitation in the region.


Thousands Flock to Bethlehem to Revive Christmas Spirit after 2 Years of War in Gaza

 Palestinian scout bands parade toward the Manger Square near the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Eve, in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean)
Palestinian scout bands parade toward the Manger Square near the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Eve, in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean)
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Thousands Flock to Bethlehem to Revive Christmas Spirit after 2 Years of War in Gaza

 Palestinian scout bands parade toward the Manger Square near the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Eve, in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean)
Palestinian scout bands parade toward the Manger Square near the Church of the Nativity, traditionally believed to be the birthplace of Jesus, on Christmas Eve, in the West Bank city of Bethlehem, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean)

Thousands of people flocked to Bethlehem's Manger Square on Christmas Eve as families heralded a much-needed boost of holiday spirit. The giant Christmas tree that was absent during the Israel-Hamas war returned on Wednesday, overlooking a parade of scouts playing songs on bagpipes.

The city where Christians believe Jesus was born cancelled Christmas celebrations for the past two years. Manger Square had instead featured a nativity scene of baby Jesus surrounded by rubble and barbed wire in homage to the situation in Gaza, The AP news reported.

Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the top Catholic leader in the Holy Land, kicked off this year's celebrations during the traditional procession from Jerusalem to Bethlehem, calling for “a Christmas full of light.”

Arriving in Manger Square, Pizzaballa said he came bearing greetings from Gaza's tiny Christian community, where he held a pre-Christmas Mass on Sunday. Among the devastation, he saw a desire to rebuild.

“We, all together, we decide to be the light, and the light of Bethlehem is the light of the world,” he told thousands of people, Christian and Muslim.

Despite the holiday cheer, the impact of the war in the Israeli-occupied West Bank is acute, especially in Bethlehem, where around 80% of the Muslim-majority city’s residents depend upon tourism-related businesses, according to the local government.

The vast majority of people celebrating were residents, with a handful of foreigners in the crowd. But some residents said they are starting to see signs of change as tourism slowly returns.

Loss of tourism devastates Bethlehem “Today is a day of joy, a day of hope, the beginning of the return of normal life here,” said Bethlehem resident Georgette Jackaman, a tour guide who has not worked in more than two years.

She and her husband, Michael Jackaman, another guide, are from established Christian Bethlehem families that stretch back generations. This is the first real Christmas celebration for their two children, aged 2 1/2 and 10 months.

During the war, the Jackamans pivoted to create a website selling Palestinian handicrafts to try to support others who have lost their livelihoods.

During the Gaza war, the unemployment rate in the city jumped from 14% to 65%, Bethlehem Mayor Maher Nicola Canawati said earlier this month.

A visitor from France, Mona Riewer, said that “I came because I wanted to better understand what people in Palestine are going through, and you can sense people have been through a very hard time."

Although friends and family cautioned her against coming due to the volatile situation, Riewer said being in Bethlehem helped her appreciate the meaning of the holiday.

“Christmas is like hope in very dark situations, a very vulnerable child experiencing harshness,” she said.

Despite the Gaza ceasefire that began in October, tensions remain high across much of the West Bank.

Israel’s military continues to carry out frequent raids in what it says is a crackdown on militants. Attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinians have reached their highest level since the United Nations humanitarian office started collecting data in 2006. Israel captured the West Bank in the 1967 Mideast war.

The internationally recognized Palestinian Authority has limited autonomy in parts of the territory, including Bethlehem. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is expected to attend midnight Mass for the first time in two years, the mayor said.

As poverty and unemployment have soared, about 4,000 people have left Bethlehem in search of work, the mayor said. It’s part of a worrying trend for Christians, who are leaving the region in droves.

Christians account for less than 2% of the West Bank’s roughly 3 million residents. Across the Middle East, the Christian population has steadily declined as people have fled conflict and attacks.

The beginning of a return to normal life Fadi Zoughbi, who previously worked overseeing logistics for tour groups, said his children were ecstatic to see marching bands streaming through Bethlehem's streets.

The scouts represent cities and towns across the West Bank, with Palestinian flags and tartan draped on their bagpipes, drummers spinning mallets adorned with pompoms. For the past two years, the scouts marched silently as a protest against the war.

Irene Kirmiz, who grew up in Bethlehem and now lives in Ramallah, said the scout parade is among her favorite Christmas traditions. Her 15-year-old daughter plays the tenor drum with the Ramallah scouts.

But her family had to wake up at 5 a.m. to arrive in time for the parade and waited upwards of three hours at Israeli checkpoints. The drive previously took 40 minutes without the checkpoints that have increasingly made travel difficult for Palestinians, she said.

“It's very emotional seeing people trying to bounce back, trying to celebrate peace and love,” Kirmiz said.

The Israeli Ministry of Tourism estimates 130,000 tourists will visit Israel by the end of December, including 40,000 Christians. In 2019, a banner year for tourism before the pandemic, the tourism ministry said 150,000 Christian tourists visited during Christmas week alone.

During the previous two years, the heads of churches in Jerusalem urged congregations to forgo “any unnecessarily festive activities.” They encouraged priests and the faithful to focus on Christmas’ spiritual meaning and called for “fervent prayers for a just and lasting peace for our beloved Holy Land.”


Israel Planning to Exploit Druze File to Weaken Sharaa’s Rule in Syria

Head of the Military Council, Tareq al-Shoufi, is seen with his fighters.
Head of the Military Council, Tareq al-Shoufi, is seen with his fighters.
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Israel Planning to Exploit Druze File to Weaken Sharaa’s Rule in Syria

Head of the Military Council, Tareq al-Shoufi, is seen with his fighters.
Head of the Military Council, Tareq al-Shoufi, is seen with his fighters.

After the ouster of former president Bashar al-Assad, Israel supported Druze fighters in the south, in an effort to weaken Syria’s new government under the rule of President Ahmed Al-Sharaa and thus complicate his efforts to unify the country after its long civil war, according to a Washington Post report on Tuesday.

Current and former Israeli officials said this policy was not an immediate reaction to developments, but rather the result of a pre-planning that began months before the collapse of the Assad regime.

Since 2024, Druze leaders in Israel sought out a Syrian Druze counterpart who could help lead the 700,000 Druze in Syria in case the Assad regime collapsed, two former Israeli officials directly involved in the effort said.

Tareq al-Shoufi

Israeli officials told the Washington Post that Israel turned to Tareq al-Shoufi, a former colonel in Assad’s army.

A former Israeli official recalled tapping “20 men with military experience, dishing out ranks and tasks, and beginning to work on what was called the ‘Military Council’” in the Druze stronghold of Sweida province in southern Syria.

At the time, the Military Council, led by Shoufi, enjoyed the support of Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri, a fiery, 60-year-old Venezuelan-born Druze cleric who has called for the establishment of a self-governing Druze state backed by Israel, a founding member of the council said.

One the former Israeli officials said that to help Shoufi renovate an old building as a command center and buy uniforms and basic equipment, Druze members of the Israeli security establishment funneled him $24,000 via the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).

The official added that the money was meant to tide over the Council until the Assad regime fell.

SDF role

The Post revealed that the SDF played a pivotal role in supporting Druze fighters.

The former Israeli official and two Druze commanders in Syria said up to half-million dollars were separately sent by the SDF to Hijri’s forces.

The SDF also trained Druze fighters, including women, in Kurdish-controlled areas in northern Syria, with that training reportedly continuing to this day, according to a senior Kurdish official.

Arms confiscated from Hezbollah, Hamas

The Washington Post report said when the Assad regime fell on December 8, 2024, Israel sprang directly into action.

Weapons supplied to the Druze by Israel included arms previously seized by fighters from Hezbollah and Hamas. A Druze commander told the Post that they also received sniper rifles, night vision equipment and machine gun ammunition.

Israelis are also providing monthly payments between $100 to $200 to about 3,000 Druze fighters from Hijri’s forces, two Druze officials said, further demonstrating that it continues to maintain a counterweight to the central Syrian government.

‘Fluid’ situation

The report also revealed that Israel provided Druze fighters with anti-tank missiles and satellite imagery that were used during battles against Syrian government forces, giving them a clear field advantage.

Today, Israeli officials and others briefed on their thinking say the situation in Syria — and Israel’s policy toward the Druze — remain fluid, according to the Washington Post report.

Backing an independent state would create a situation where “Israel needs to now defend a population that’s 100 kilometers away from the border,” an Israeli adviser said. “If we have an interest here, it’s not to create an independent Druzistan.”

Israeli officials have also grown wary of the internal power struggles that emerged among the Syrian Druze.

In August, Hijri sought to be recognized as the sole legitimate military authority among the Syrian Druze, and the “National Guard,” a new militia led by Hijri and his son Suleiman, replaced the Military Council as the recipient of weapons from Israel, according to a Syrian Druze commanders and the two former Israeli officials directly involved.

The move led to schisms among Druze commanders.

After US President Donald Trump first shook hands with Sharaa in May, Israel in August halted the flow of weapons to the Druze, Israeli and Druze officials revealed.

Therefore, Israel’s support for the Druze is carefully calibrated.

Israeli analysts warned that propping up an autonomous Druze state or proxy militia would represent a far different mandate than cooperating with them to secure Israel’s border.

One government adviser noted that Israel did not have a “good experience in south Lebanon,” where it supported a pro-Israel militia called the South Lebanon Army for two decades before the group crumbled in the face of Hezbollah advances in 2000.

Druze state stretching to Iraq

A Western official told the Post that Hijri prepared maps of a proposed future Druze state stretching all the way to Iraq and pitched it to at least one major Western government in early 2025.

The newspaper revealed that Israel is using the Druze paper in South Syria to undermine Sharaa’s ability to centralize power.

It said Israel is practicing a “shadow” policy in Syria: planned support for minorities, limited military intervention and tactical openness to negotiation, without a clear commitment to a final political path.

The report shows that the future of Israel’s policy towards Druze in south Syria remains dependent on the ability of Sharaa’s government to consolidate its power over the entire territory, and how willing Washington is to balance its bets on Sharaa to restore stability in Syria and respond to Israeli security concerns.