Kurdistan Crossings With Turkey, Iran Await Political Agreement

Haj Omran border crossing between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, October 3, 2017 (File Photo: Reuters)
Haj Omran border crossing between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, October 3, 2017 (File Photo: Reuters)
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Kurdistan Crossings With Turkey, Iran Await Political Agreement

Haj Omran border crossing between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, October 3, 2017 (File Photo: Reuters)
Haj Omran border crossing between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, October 3, 2017 (File Photo: Reuters)

Border crossings linking Kurdistan region of Iraq with Iran and Turkey were points of political disagreements between Baghdad and Erbil prior to the September 25 independence referendum, and even became a major obstacle before the normalization of political and administrative relations between the federal government and regional government.

Baghdad still demands that the Kurdistan government hands over the five official crossings to the federal authorities as a condition to start the dialogue and political negotiation with the region. The federal government even sought to seize these crossings, that link the region and Iraq with Turkey and Iran, by military force, through coordination with Ankara and Tehran.

However, this project seems to have been disrupted by the superpowers that pushed the federal government into resorting to a peaceful option and political dialogue to resolve the problem of the border crossings.

Despite the prior agreement between Iran and Turkey in this regard, Tehran closed its three border ports with Kurdistan for 40 days, and then voluntarily re-opened them after Ankara procrastinated closing "Ibrahim Khalil" vital port, in an attempt to monopolize Kurdistan's markets.

Kurdistan has five official main border crossings with the three neighboring countries: Ibrahim al-Khalil, that links the country with Turkey, Faysh Khabur crossing west of Dohuk, which links Iraq with Syria, Haj Omran crossing with Iran, and Bashmagh crossing with Iran, as well as the crossing Parvez Khan crossing with Iran.

Kurdistan’s general director of customs, Samal Abdul-Rahman, told Asharq al-Awsat that Kurdistan’s main five border crossings remain under the control of the region’s authorities, noting that Baghdad had not sent its observers to partake in the management of those crossings as agreed.

He revealed that revenues from operations at those crossings still go to the region’s government despite progress made in negotiations for the joint administration of those facilities. He explained that the agreement has not yet gone into action waiting for the broader political deal between Irbil and Baghdad.

The federal government issued a resolution earlier this year to close non-official crossings between the region and neighboring countries, which are over 10 crossings that have already been closed.

Abdul Rahman indicated that Kurdistan government considers all the crossings linking the region with neighboring countries to be official, however, Baghdad officially recognizes only five crossings: Ibrahim al-Khalil, Faysh Khabur, Haj Omran, Bashmagh, and Parvez Khan.

Trade exchange between Kurdistan with Iran and Turkey reached about $10 billion with Ankara, and about $6 billion with Tehran, according to the general directorate of customs.

Meanwhile, director of Haj Omran crossing, Masoud Bakeli announced that trade with Iran is gradually returning to normal, now that Winter season is almost over. The crossing was closed by Iranian authorities at the request of the Iraqi authorities, and it was reopened two months ago.

Hajj Omran has not received any staff, observers or even administrative instructions from the Iraqi government, Bakeli told Asharq al-Awsat.

The official denied that Iran has imposed specific conditions on the administration of the crossing in return for allowing the resumption of trade exchange.

"Iran closed the crossing by a unilateral decision and reopened it by a unilateral decision. We did not yet know the motives behind such decision," he indicated.

He also denied the export of crude oil to the Iranian side, but pointed out that a limited number of oil tanks transport black oil to the other side, based on official permits issued from the government.



France on the Back Foot in Africa after Chadian Snub

File photo: Chad's president Idriss Deby (R) talks with France's President Emmanuel Macron (L) during an official visit to meet with 'Barkhane' soldiers, at the Presidential palace in N'Djamena on December 23, 2018. (Photo by Ludovic MARIN / AFP)
File photo: Chad's president Idriss Deby (R) talks with France's President Emmanuel Macron (L) during an official visit to meet with 'Barkhane' soldiers, at the Presidential palace in N'Djamena on December 23, 2018. (Photo by Ludovic MARIN / AFP)
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France on the Back Foot in Africa after Chadian Snub

File photo: Chad's president Idriss Deby (R) talks with France's President Emmanuel Macron (L) during an official visit to meet with 'Barkhane' soldiers, at the Presidential palace in N'Djamena on December 23, 2018. (Photo by Ludovic MARIN / AFP)
File photo: Chad's president Idriss Deby (R) talks with France's President Emmanuel Macron (L) during an official visit to meet with 'Barkhane' soldiers, at the Presidential palace in N'Djamena on December 23, 2018. (Photo by Ludovic MARIN / AFP)

A French plan to significantly reduce its military presence in West and central Africa risks backfiring and further diminishing the former colonial power's influence in the region at a time when Russia is gaining ground.
A French envoy to President Emmanuel Macron this week handed in a report with proposals on how France could reduce its military presence in Chad, Gabon and Ivory Coast, where it has deployed troops for decades, Reuters reported.
Details of the report have not been made public but two sources said the plan is to cut the number of troops to 600 from around 2,200 now. The sources said Chad would keep the largest contingent with 300 French troops, down from 1,000. However, in a surprise move that caught French officials on the hop, the government of Chad - a key Western ally in the fight against militants in the region - on Thursday abruptly ended its defense cooperation pact with France. That could lead to French troops leaving the central African country altogether.
"For France it is the start of the end of their security engagement in central and Western Africa," said Ulf Laessing, director of the Sahel Program at the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Mali.
"Chad was the aircraft carrier of the French army, its logistical headquarters. If Chad doesn't exist, the French army will have a huge problem to keep running its other operations."
In a further blow to France, Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye told French state TV on Thursday it was inappropriate for French troops to maintain a presence in his country, where 350 French soldiers are currently based. France has already pulled its soldiers out from Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, following military coups in those West African countries and spreading anti-French sentiment. Paris is also shifting more attention to Europe with the war in Ukraine and increasing budgetary constraints, diplomats said.
The review envisions the remaining French soldiers in the region focusing on training, intelligence exchange and responding to requests from countries for help, depending on their needs, the sources said. Chad's move to end the cooperation deal had not been discussed with Paris and shocked the French, according to the two sources and other officials. France, which wants to keep a presence in Chad in part because of its work to help ease one of the world's worst humanitarian crises unfolding now in neighboring Sudan, responded only 24 hours after Chad made its announcement.
"France takes note and intends to continue the dialogue to implement these orientations," the foreign ministry said in a statement.
One of the two sources, a French official with knowledge of Chadian affairs, said Chad's government appeared to have seen the French decision to more than halve its military presence there as a snub. Chad also felt the French would no longer be in a position to guarantee the security of the military regime led by President Mahamat Idriss Deby, this source said.
Macron had backed Deby despite criticism since Deby seized power following the death of his father, who ruled Chad for 30 years until he was killed in 2021 during an incursion by rebels. Deby won an election held this year.
In its statement on Thursday evening, released hours after the French foreign minister had visited the Sudanese border in eastern Chad with his counterpart, Chad's foreign ministry said N'djamena wanted to fully assert its sovereignty after more than six decades of independence from France. It said the decision should in no way undermine the friendly relations between the two countries. Earlier this year, a small contingent of US special forces left Chad amid a review of US cooperation with the country.
The French drawdown, coupled with a US pullback from Africa, contrasts with the increasing influence of Russia and other countries, including Türkiye, on the continent. Russian mercenaries are helping prop up the military governments of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, and are also fighting alongside them against extremist militants. However, French officials and other sources played down Russia's ability to take advantage of the French setback in Chad, at least in the short term. The French source familiar with Chadian affairs noted that Russia and Chad backed rival factions in Sudan's war. Russia also has major military commitments in Syria and the war in Ukraine.