Asharq Al-Awsat Tours Hasaka and Qamishli where Kurds, Syrian Regime Vie for Control

Syrian Kurds take part in a rally in the Syrian city of Qamishli in support of the independence referendum . (AFP)
Syrian Kurds take part in a rally in the Syrian city of Qamishli in support of the independence referendum . (AFP)
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Asharq Al-Awsat Tours Hasaka and Qamishli where Kurds, Syrian Regime Vie for Control

Syrian Kurds take part in a rally in the Syrian city of Qamishli in support of the independence referendum . (AFP)
Syrian Kurds take part in a rally in the Syrian city of Qamishli in support of the independence referendum . (AFP)

Pharmacist Abdulhakim Ramadan, 52, lives with his family in al-Hasaka province in northern Syria. He lives in a city that has been divided between Syrian regime and Kurdish control. His house faces the recruitment center in the middle of security zone that is controlled by the regime. His pharmacy is located on Palestine Street at the dividing line between regime regions and regions under Kurdish autonomous rule since 2014. The Kurdish zones are controlled by the Democratic Union Party (PYD) and Arab and Christian forces.

Ramadan has been a pharmacist since 1992 and, on daily basis, he moves between his residence to his pharmacy amid heavy security measures imposed by the regime and Kurds. He complains about the several military checkpoints set up by both sides.

The presence of the two sides in the area has not been without incident.

Ramadan told Asharq Al-Awsat how clashes had erupted in the past between the regime forces and Kurdish Asayesh near his pharmacy.

“We were trapped for several hours. We could not get out or move due to the severe clashes,” he recalled.

The regime has been striving to take over the area where his pharmacy is located because it is at the heart of Hasaka city’s trade center.

The regime withdrawal from several Syrian regions at the beginning of 2013 gave the Kurds the chance to form local committees in three areas where they make up the majority of the population. The Hasaka and Qamishli cities are one of these areas, in addition to Ain al-Arab (Kobane) in the eastern Aleppo countryside and Afrin city in the northern Aleppo countryside.

Afrin has since January 20 come under a fierce Turkish offensive to expel Kurds from the border area with Turkey. Afrin has been under Kurdish control since 2012.

The Syrian regime has kept two security zones in Hasaka and Qamishli. The zone in Hasaka starts from Qamishli Street in the west and includes the president’s square, government buildings, the judicial palace, municipal headquarters and part of the main market. The zone ends at the military neighborhood in the east.

Palestine Street divides central Hasaka between regime- and Asayesh- controlled areas. The Asayesh are local Kurdish police. Both of these forces deploy checkpoints on either side of the central market. The Asayesh have set up checkpoints near each regime military checkpoint.

Ramadan describes the scene as a “sealed military zone,” saying that the checkpoints should be removed from the city.

The local authority has become in charge of managing the people’s daily lives and various services in the city. It has even introduced Kurdish into school curricula and formed institutions that operate independently from regime circles. These institutions collect taxes from the people and issue official papers. Ramadan revealed that he pays taxes to both the regime and local authority because his pharmacy lies between the regime- and Kurdish- controlled areas.

Suad, a woman in her early 50s, lives near the municipal headquarters in central Hasaka. She describes living in the city as living in “a state within a state” due to the presence of semi-autonomous authorities within the regime’s security zone.

“On the surface, the zone is controlled by the regime, but it is actually managed by the local authority. The truth is, no one knows who is ruling us,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat

Divided city

The situation in Qamishli in the northeastern most point in Syria is not much different than the one in the Hasaka province.

The regime still controls a security zone that includes security headquarters, part of the main city market and Qamishli’s sole airport, which is the only link between the province and the rest of Syria.

A walk along the central market’s main street takes you to an Asayesh checkpoint. Nearby are semi-autonomous administrations. A walk further down the road and you are stopped by a traffic policeman, who stands by the local post office. The office is only meters away from another Asayesh checkpoint. Walking further, you come across a square with a statue of late ruler Hafez al-Assad. North of this point lie the regime’s security agencies, intelligence units, security forces and police.

Asaad Abou Rawand owns a pastry shop that is located just in front of the square with Assad’s statue. He said that the presence of state institutions and regime headquarters serves the citizens in the area.

“My shop is located in the middle of the security zone. Meters west are the regime forces and traffic police. Meters east are he Asayesh members, who work for the local administration. The two sides are in agreement and they do not intervene in the people’s affairs,” he said.

“Customers come to us and they can buy the tastiest sweets without being harassed,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The PYD and semi-autonomous parties had in March 2016 announced a federal system in the regions under their control in northeastern Syria. The region, called Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, was divided into three administrations: Al-Jazeera in the northeast, which includes Hasaka and Qamishli, the north central Euphrates that includes al-Raqqa, Tal Abyad and al-Tabaqa, and Afrin in the northwest.

Fawza Youssef, head of the joint executive authority for the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, said that the regime has a “limited” presence in the security zones in each of Qamishli and Hasaka.

“They do not have the authority to interfere in the people’s lives because the administration is the real manager of the region. There is no relationship between them unless urgent issues emerge that directly affect the people,” she said.

In Qamishli, the Asayesh controls the majority of the city and has set up headquarters at government institutions. The regime and national defense militia controls the security zone and Qamishli airport. The Sootoro, a Christian force allied with the regime, controls the Christian neighborhoods in central Qamishli.

Kurdish opposition figure and Qamishli resident Saraj Kalash, 52, said that the intelligence and security agencies are almost not operational in the city.

“The better term is that they are sleeping. There have been no reports of arrests, raids or patrols,” he sad.

The regime has limited its role to judicial circles and civilian affairs, he explained.

Each military side has designated the border of their areas of control with checkpoints. The Asayesh do not intervene in the areas under Sootoro control to avoid any clash. Clashes had erupted in 2016 between them when the former attempted to seize control of Qamishli’s Christian neighborhood.

Kalash said that the ties between the PYD and Syrian regime are clear.

“The party controls all institutions and resources in the region, including the economic, social, political, security and civilian aspects of the people’s daily lives,” he added.

Criticism

Before the eruption of the revolt against the regime in 2011, the Kurds, who make up 15 percent of the Syrian population, complained of marginalization by the ruling Baath party.

Haifa al-Arbo, co-governor of the al-Jazeera province, said: “We as Kurds are not concerned with who will rule Syria in the future as much as we care about building a political system based on federal rule and de-centeralized politics.”

“We are a part of Syria and we do not want to secede from it,” she stressed.

The opposition Kurdish National Council, which is part of the National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces, has criticized the PYD’s ties with the Syrian regime.

Council member Bashar Amin said that the local Kurdish administration “does not have complete freedom in taking decisions because it still has ties with the regime. It acts in coordination with it, especially in central issues.”

Analysts and journalist Alan Hassan said that the relationship between the PYD and regime appears “murky” in the media alone. The two sides in fact have common interests in having the regime presence in Qamishli and Hasaka.

“The regime withdrawal from Hasaka would cut off ties between it and the local administration. The latter does not want to secede from Syria and the regime does not want to abandon this territory, which is rich in oil and gas,” he explained.



Palestinians’ Dangerous Ordeal to Reach Israeli-Approved Aid in Gaza

Palestinians collect what remains of relief supplies from the distribution center of the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, in Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2025. (Reuters)
Palestinians collect what remains of relief supplies from the distribution center of the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, in Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2025. (Reuters)
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Palestinians’ Dangerous Ordeal to Reach Israeli-Approved Aid in Gaza

Palestinians collect what remains of relief supplies from the distribution center of the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, in Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2025. (Reuters)
Palestinians collect what remains of relief supplies from the distribution center of the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, in Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2025. (Reuters)

When university professor Nizam Salama made his way to a southern Gaza aid point last week, he came under fire twice, was crushed in a desperate crowd of hungry people and finally left empty handed.

Shooting first started shortly after he left his family's tent at 3 a.m. on June 3 to join crowds on the coast road heading towards the aid site in the city of Rafah run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), a new US-based organization working with private military contractors to deliver aid in Gaza.

The second time Salama came under fire was at Alam Roundabout close to the aid delivery site, where he saw six dead bodies.

Twenty-seven people were killed that day by Israeli fire on aid seekers, Palestinian health authorities said. Israel said its forces had shot at a group of people they viewed as a threat and the military is investigating the incident.

At the aid delivery site, known as SDS 1, queues snaked through narrow cage-like fences before gates were opened to an area surrounded by sand barriers where packages of supplies were left on tables and in boxes on the ground, according to undated CCTV video distributed by GHF, reviewed by Reuters.

Salama said the rush of thousands of people once the gates opened was a "death trap."

"Survival is for the stronger: people who are fitter and can make it earlier and can push harder to win the package," he said. "I felt my ribs going into each other. My chest was going into itself. My breath...I couldn't breathe. People were shouting; they couldn't breathe at all."

A Palestinian man, next to a child, displays the aid supplies he received from the US-supported Gaza Relief Organization, in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, June 5, 2025. (Reuters)

Reuters could not independently verify all the details of Salama's account. It matched the testimonies of two other aid seekers interviewed by Reuters, who spoke of crawling and ducking as bullets rattled overhead on their way to or from the aid distribution sites.

All three witnesses said they saw dead bodies on their journeys to and from the Rafah sites.

A statement from a nearby Red Cross field hospital confirmed the number of dead from the attack near the aid site on June 3.

Asked about the high number of deaths since it began operations on May 26, GHF said there had been no casualties at or in the close vicinity of its site.

The Israeli military didn't respond to detailed requests for comment. Israeli military spokesman Brigadier General Effie Defrin told reporters on Sunday that Hamas was "doing its best" to provoke troops, who "shoot to stop the threat" in what he called a war zone in the vicinity of the aid sites. He said military investigations were underway "to see where we were wrong."

Salama, 52, had heard enough about the new system to know it would be difficult to get aid, he said, but his five children - including two adults, two teenagers and a nine-year-old - needed food. They have been eating only lentils or pasta for months, he said, often only a single meal a day.

"I was completely against going to the aid site of the American company (GHF) because I knew and I had heard how humiliating it is to do so, but I had no choice because of the bad need to feed my family," said the professor of education administration.

In total, 127 Palestinians have been killed trying to get aid from GHF sites in almost daily shootings since distribution under the new system began two weeks ago, Gaza's health authority said on Monday.

The system appears to violate core principles of humanitarian aid, said Jan Egeland, head of the Norwegian Refugee Council, a major humanitarian organization. He compared it to the Hunger Games, the dystopian novels that set people to run and fight to the death.

"A few will be rewarded and the many will only risk their lives for nothing," Egeland said.

"International humanitarian law has prescribed that aid in war zones should be provided by neutral intermediaries that can make sure that the most vulnerable will get the relief according to needs alone and not as part of a political or military strategy," he said.

GHF did not directly respond to a question about its neutrality, replying that it had securely delivered enough aid for more than 11 million meals in two weeks. Gaza's population is around 2.1 million people.

A Palestinian man shows blood stains on his palm after he carried casualties among people seeking aid supplies from the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, May 29, 2025. (Reuters)

FAMINE RISK

Israel allowed limited UN-led aid operations to resume on May 19 after an 11-week blockade in the enclave, where experts a week earlier warned a famine looms.

The UN has described the aid allowed into Gaza as "drop in the ocean."

Separate to the UN operation, Israel allowed GHF to open four sites in Gaza, bypassing traditional aid groups. The GHF sites are overseen by a US logistics company run by a former CIA official and part-owned by a Chicago-based private equity firm, with security provided by US military veterans working for a private contractor, two sources have told Reuters.

An Israeli defense official involved in humanitarian matters told Reuters GHF's distribution centers were sufficient for around 1.2 million people. Israel and the United States have urged the UN to work with GHF, which has seen a high churn of top personnel, although both countries deny funding it.

Reuters has not been able to establish who provides the funding for the organization but reported last week that Washington was considering an Israeli request to put in $500 million.

GHF coordinates with the Israeli army for access, the foundation said in reply to Reuters questions, adding that it was looking to open more distribution points. It has paused then resumed deliveries several times after the shooting incidents, including on Monday.

Last week, it urged the Israeli army to improve civilian safety beyond the perimeter of its operations. GHF said the UN was failing to deliver aid, pointing to a spate of recent lootings.

Israel says the UN's aid deliveries have previously been hijacked by Hamas to feed their own fighters. Hamas has denied stealing aid and the UN denies its aid operations help Hamas.

The UN, which has handled previous aid deliveries into Gaza, says it has over 400 distribution points for aid in the territory. On Monday it described an increasingly anarchic situation of looting and has called on Israel to allow more of its trucks to move safely.

SHOOTING STARTS

Salama and four neighbors set out from Mawasi, in the Khan Younis area of the southern Gaza Strip, at 3 a.m. on Tuesday for the aid site, taking two hours to reach Rafah, which is several miles away near the Egyptian border.

Shooting started early in their journey. Some fire was coming from the sea, he said, consistent with other accounts of the incidents. Israel's military controls the sea around Gaza.

His small group decided to press on. In the dark, the way was uneven and he repeatedly fell, he said.

"I saw people carrying wounded persons and heading back with them towards Khan Younis," he said.

By the time they reached Alam Roundabout in Rafah, about a kilometer from the site, there was a vast crowd. There was more shooting and he saw bullets hitting nearby.

"You must duck and stay on the ground," he said, describing casualties with wounds to the head, chest and legs.

He saw bodies nearby, including a woman, along with "many" injured people, he said.

Another aid seeker interviewed by Reuters, who also walked to Rafah on June 3 in the early morning, described repeated gunfire during the journey.

At one point, he and everyone around him crawled for a stretch of several hundred meters, fearing being shot. He saw a body with a wound to the head about 100 meters from the aid site, he said.

Palestinians gather to collect aid supplies from the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, May 29, 2025. (Reuters)

The Red Cross Field Hospital in Rafah received a mass casualty influx of 184 patients on June 3, the majority of them injured by gunshots, the International Committee of the Red Cross said in a statement, calling it the highest number of weapon-wounded patients the hospital had ever received in a single incident. There were 27 fatalities.

"All responsive patients said they were trying to reach an assistance distribution site," the statement said.

When Salama finally arrived at the aid point on June 3, there was nothing left.

"Everyone was standing pulling cardboard boxes from the floor that were empty," he said. "Unfortunately, I found nothing: a very, very, very big zero."

Although the aid was gone, more people were arriving.

"The flood of people pushes you to the front while I was trying to go back," he said.

As he was pushed further towards where GHF guards were located, he saw them using pepper spray on the crowd, he said.

GHF said it was not aware of the pepper spray incident, but said its workers used non-lethal measures to protect civilians.

"I started shouting at the top of my lungs, brothers I don't want anything, I just want to leave, I just want to leave the place," Salama said.

"I left empty-handed... I went back home depressed, sad and angry and hungry too," he said.