Israel Presses Washington to Recognize Golan Heights As Part of Its Territories

Israeli soldiers walk near mobile artillery units near the border with Syria in the Golan Heights on January 27, 2015. REUTERS/Baz Ratner
Israeli soldiers walk near mobile artillery units near the border with Syria in the Golan Heights on January 27, 2015. REUTERS/Baz Ratner
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Israel Presses Washington to Recognize Golan Heights As Part of Its Territories

Israeli soldiers walk near mobile artillery units near the border with Syria in the Golan Heights on January 27, 2015. REUTERS/Baz Ratner
Israeli soldiers walk near mobile artillery units near the border with Syria in the Golan Heights on January 27, 2015. REUTERS/Baz Ratner

After the United States' recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and the transfer of the US Embassy to it, Israel is pressing Washington to recognize the occupied Syrian Golan Heights as part of Israeli territories, Intelligence Minister Israel Katz said on Thursday.

In remarks to Israeli media, he said that Israel was making great efforts and was exerting friendly pressure on the administration of US President Donald Trump to recognize its sovereignty on the Golan Heights.

The Israeli minister predicted that these efforts would bear fruit with the approval of the US within months.

The Golan Heights is a strategic area in Syria, occupied since the June 1967 war. It extends over 1,200 square kilometers, giving the occupation the ability to explore large areas of Syria, Jordan and Lebanon.

The Syrian army was able to liberate it completely in the early days of the 1973 war, but withdrew from it in the last days of the war. Based on the Disengagement Agreement in 1974, Israel withdrew from part of it. In 1981, Israel enacted a law in the Knesset to annex it to Israeli sovereignty, in a move not recognized internationally.

Katz stressed that the new move was a natural extension of the US withdrawal from the international nuclear agreement with Iran, Trump's recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and the opening of a new US embassy in the occupied city this month.

He noted that the Israeli presence in the Golan Heights was a security necessity for Israel and its allies, an important monitoring station for the West over the domestic and international activity in Syria and a lever for Western interests in the region.



From Retaliation to Displacement: How Gaza’s War Has Evolved

Nuseirat camp in Gaza amid Israel's ongoing military campaign, March 20, 2025 (AFP)
Nuseirat camp in Gaza amid Israel's ongoing military campaign, March 20, 2025 (AFP)
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From Retaliation to Displacement: How Gaza’s War Has Evolved

Nuseirat camp in Gaza amid Israel's ongoing military campaign, March 20, 2025 (AFP)
Nuseirat camp in Gaza amid Israel's ongoing military campaign, March 20, 2025 (AFP)

There is a stark difference between the war Israel launched on Gaza 16 months ago and the one it is waging today. In the first, Israel was driven by a deep wound to its prestige following Hamas’s surprise attack on October 7, 2023, making its military campaign in Gaza an act of retaliation.

Today, however, it is pursuing a war with a clear strategic goal: to eliminate the Palestinian cause and force the displacement of as many Palestinians as possible—not just from Gaza.

Israel now has a military led by a loyal, unchallenging command and the backing of a US administration hostile to Hamas.

While former President Joe Biden’s administration strongly supported Israel’s retaliatory war under the pretext of restoring its deterrence against the “Axis of Resistance,” providing extensive assistance in striking Hamas, Hezbollah, and even directly targeting Iran and the Houthis, the US at the time imposed some constraints on Tel Aviv.

Washington urged Israel to adhere to international law and voiced objections over the high civilian death toll, particularly among women and children.

The Biden administration managed the crisis while keeping political avenues open in response to Arab demands for an end to the war that would prevent future conflicts and destruction.

It was clear to Washington that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government was not suited for a comprehensive peace initiative. Expecting his swift downfall once the war ended, the administration engaged with political forces in Israel working to unseat him.

In the current war, Washington is led by a completely different administration under President Donald Trump, which is fully aligned with Netanyahu. This has allowed Netanyahu to act without restraint from the new US leadership, which harbors deep hostility toward Hamas—not only over the October 7 attack but also due to a fundamental misunderstanding of the group’s policies and objectives.

As a result, the key difference between the two wars is that Netanyahu now enjoys even stronger backing from Washington.

The Trump administration has opened a direct communication channel with Hamas despite Israeli objections, attempting to persuade the group to extend the initial phase of the ceasefire as a compromise that would keep Israel in the truce and allow the US to manage the crisis on its terms.

Moreover, the administration shares the same right-wing ideological base as Netanyahu’s government and wants it to remain in power.

It agrees with Netanyahu on the need to eliminate not only Hamas but also as many Palestinians as possible.

The administration has embraced the far-right proposal advocating for the “voluntary” displacement of Palestinians—an agenda that has come to be known as the Trump Plan.

Trump’s team recognizes that Netanyahu’s government cannot survive without appeasing the demands of the hardline right that controls its fate—not just figures like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, but also an ideologically rigid faction within Netanyahu’s own Likud party.