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A Year after Mosul Liberation, Misery Still Looms over Iraq’s Second Largest City

The base of Mosul's famous destroyed al-Hadba leaning minaret is pictured on July 9, 2018. (AFP)
The base of Mosul's famous destroyed al-Hadba leaning minaret is pictured on July 9, 2018. (AFP)
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A Year after Mosul Liberation, Misery Still Looms over Iraq’s Second Largest City

The base of Mosul's famous destroyed al-Hadba leaning minaret is pictured on July 9, 2018. (AFP)
The base of Mosul's famous destroyed al-Hadba leaning minaret is pictured on July 9, 2018. (AFP)

The one-year anniversary of the liberation of Iraq’s second largest city from ISIS fell on July 10 at a time when politicians have warned that the factors that led to the Ninveh province’s fall in the terrorist group’s hands still persist to this day.

Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi has vowed to pursue the remaining ISIS cells in the country and to set plans and strategies for the rebuilding process.

He said in a statement: “The liberation of Mosul has paved the way for the return of its residents back to their homes to resume their normal lives.”

“Iraq will succeed in eliminating the remnants of the criminal gangs and cells … to permanently rid the country of their evil,” he added.

On reconstruction, he said that the first steps of rebuilding liberated areas has started.

Former Nineveh governor Atheel al-Nujaifi told Asharq Al-Awsat: “The time is still not right for the residents of Mosul to frankly discuss why their city fell in the hands of ISIS and why it was liberated in such a way.”

Nineveh fell to ISIS during his tenure as governor. He had made a lengthy testimony before a parliamentary investigation committee addressing the issue.

The results of this probe have not been revealed yet due to political pressure, he revealed.

“The Iraqis have not yet addressed the post-liberation phase. I believe they have neglected to assess the previous phase and the need to prevent its recurrence. They have once again returned to the same cycle of political disputes, leaving Iraq’s strategic policy to foreign players,” Nujaifi lamented.

The authorities must instead “invest in the strengthening national sentiment that was created after ISIS’ defeat and unite the Iraqis against a common enemy,” he added.

“A new political reality in Iraq needs to be established,” he demanded.

Nineveh MP Sheikh Ahmed Madloul al-Jarba told Asharq Al-Awsat that a year after its liberation, Mosul is still facing major challenges.

Significantly, the negatives that existed before the ISIS takeover are reemerging at the hands of some security and military agencies, he warned.

He accused them of extorting the people and releasing several suspected ISIS members that were detained by civilians.

“This is very frustrating to the people,” he said.

Moreover, Jarba attributed the fall of Mosul, Salaheddine, al-Anbar and parts of Kirkuk and Diyala in ISIS hands to Iraq’s open borders with Syria.

“This dangerous issue has yet to be addressed,” he stated. “The borders are still open and the terrorists are crossing them with great ease.”

The lawmaker called on the Iraqi government to tackle this situation and send military reinforcements to control the border to avoid the recurrence of the tragedy.

Military expert Diya al-Wakil told Asharq Al-Awsat that ISIS is still active in Iraq’s desert regions and areas its believes are vital to it, such as regions between central and northwestern Iraq, specifically the Baghdad-Diyala-Kirkuk road that connects several provinces together.

A year after the liberation, much of Mosul lies in ruins and many of its residents see little reason to celebrate.

"We were liberated but what have we come back to? Our homes have been destroyed," said mother of seven Umm Mohammed, according to an Agence France Presse report.

The fiercest fighting against ISIS took place around western Mosul's Old City, where Umm Mohammed's home near the Great Mosque of Al-Nuri has been reduced to rubble.

The mosque, once a famous landmark with its leaning minaret, is where ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi made his only public appearance. The terrorists used explosives to blow up the famed 12th century mosque as the army closed in on them last summer.

Like many mosques, houses, schools and other buildings across Mosul, all that is left of it is a pile of rubble.

Although life has gone back to normal in some parts of eastern Mosul, the massive clean-up of the western part of the city only began a few weeks ago.

In a report released this week, the Norwegian Refugee Council bemoaned conditions in the city.

"More than 380,000 people are still displaced in and around Mosul as the city lies in ruins with a staggering eight million tons of debris," it said.

No official festivities were planned on Tuesday to mark the first anniversary of Mosul's liberation.

Residents said they had little to celebrate.

"The huge destruction has emptied our joy of any meaning," said Abu Ghassoon, a 44-year-old unemployed man who lives in east Mosul after his home in the west was destroyed.

Ghadir Ibrahim Fattah, 35, agreed.

"We had expected reconstruction to begin immediately after (the terrorists were ousted) but nothing happened, and this has demoralized the people," he said.

Residents accused the central government of dragging its feet, while the NRC has said the international community "is not doing enough".

The Norwegian aid group estimates that $874 million (750 million euros) is needed to repair basic infrastructure in Mosul.

But destruction is not the only hardship facing the people of Mosul.

Every Friday for the past year, women dressed in black have gathered in the city's Al-Minassa Square, holding up pictures of missing husbands and sons as they seek information on their fates.

Like the mothers of Argentina's Plaza de Mayo who staged similar protests to seek information on their children who vanished during the 1976-1983 military junta, the women of Mosul have continued to demand answers.

"The government is not telling us anything," said Umm Qais, a 40-year-old whose son is missing.

"What was hailed by the Iraqi authorities and the international community as a victory a year ago has not translated to relief from abject misery for many Iraqis from Mosul," said its Iraq Country Director Wolfgang Gressmann.

Ghanem Hamid, a provincial official, told AFP the "central government has neglected the province" of Nineveh, of which Mosul is the capital.

"They have not offered us anything worth mentioning," he said.

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100 Days of Al-Sharaa's Presidency: Syria’s Gains and Losses

Syrians watch Ahmed al-Sharaa's speech at al-Rawda Café in Damascus (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Syrians watch Ahmed al-Sharaa's speech at al-Rawda Café in Damascus (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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100 Days of Al-Sharaa's Presidency: Syria’s Gains and Losses

Syrians watch Ahmed al-Sharaa's speech at al-Rawda Café in Damascus (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Syrians watch Ahmed al-Sharaa's speech at al-Rawda Café in Damascus (Asharq Al-Awsat)

The collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024 sparked a wave of hope for a brighter future in Syria. But 100 days into the rule of Ahmed al-Sharaa and his allies, the political assessment of the new leadership remains mixed.

Before diving into the performance of the new authorities, it's important to recognize the scale of the challenges facing Syria. The country is deeply fragmented—politically and regionally—still grappling with foreign influence and various forms of external occupation. The economic toll is staggering.

Reconstruction is estimated to cost between $250 billion and $400 billion, and more than half the population remains displaced inside and outside the country. According to the United Nations, 90% of Syrians live below the poverty line, and 16.7 million people—roughly three out of four—depend on humanitarian aid.

Against this backdrop, any political actor stepping in after Assad faces an uphill battle.

Yet, the new administration has managed to score some diplomatic wins. Despite its controversial background, the al-Sharaa-led government has succeeded in easing some international concerns and opening lines of communication with key regional and global players.

Several governments have formally recognized the new authority and begun to engage with it. The European Union and the United Kingdom have notably suspended sanctions on selected sectors and entities. France, once a vocal critic of Damascus, recently welcomed al-Sharaa to Paris.

However, Washington has yet to outline a coherent Syria policy under President Donald Trump. While the US has not objected to the Biden administration’s January 2025 move to ease restrictions on Syria’s energy and financial sectors, the broader sanctions remain in place.

Still, the first 100 days under the new leadership offer, at best, cautious optimism. The fundamental questions lie in the administration’s broader political and economic orientation, as well as its vision for Syria’s fractured society. There is no guarantee yet that the country is on a path toward long-term stability.

State Institutions, Security Forces

In the wake of Assad’s fall, Syria’s new leadership—dominated by former members of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS)—moved swiftly to consolidate control over state institutions and security bodies during the transitional phase.

Following the regime’s collapse, an interim government was formed in December 2024, composed almost entirely of HTS members or close affiliates. The caretaker administration held power until a new cabinet was installed at the end of March 2025.

Al-Sharaa, Syria’s new de facto leader, has since appointed new ministers, governors, and security officials—many of whom have ties to HTS or allied armed factions. In a sweeping overhaul of the country’s military and intelligence apparatus, the new authorities established a Syrian army under their command.

Senior leadership positions were handed to HTS veterans, including long-time commander Marhaf Abu Qusra, who was promoted to general and named defense minister.

Beyond the security sphere, the leadership has moved to entrench its influence over Syria’s economic and social sectors. Key appointments have been made across professional syndicates, chambers of commerce, and civil society organizations—often bypassing elections and installing loyalists from within HTS's inner circle.

The moves suggest a systematic effort to centralize power and reshape Syria’s state apparatus under the new order, raising questions about the future of pluralism and institutional independence.

The absence of a comprehensive democratic process has cast a shadow over Syria’s early post-Assad transition, undermining key initiatives meant to lay the foundation for the country’s future—including the much-anticipated Syrian National Dialogue Conference.

Critics say the conference, billed as a cornerstone for participatory dialogue, was marred by poor planning, limited representation, and rushed sessions that left little room for meaningful debate. Political and civil society actors voiced frustration at being sidelined, warning that the process risked entrenching exclusion rather than fostering unity.

Similar concerns were raised over the interim constitution signed by al-Sharaa. The charter faced sharp criticism over the opaque selection of its drafting committee and the lack of public consultation.

New authorities established the General Secretariat for Political Affairs in late March under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Tasked with overseeing political events and activities, the secretariat is also responsible for shaping national policy strategies and coordinating their implementation. One of its more controversial roles includes repurposing the assets and structures of the defunct Baath Party and former National Progressive Front coalition.

The creation of the body signals an effort by the al-Sharaa administration to centralize political planning and regain control over the ideological tools once wielded by the Assad regime—this time under a new banner.

Neoliberal Agenda for the Economy

Syria’s new leadership has also quietly adopted a sweeping neoliberal economic model—without public consultation or parliamentary debate—signaling a long-term shift in the country’s economic trajectory, despite the government's interim mandate.

Since taking power, the al-Sharaa administration has rolled out policies that go beyond the scope of a transitional government. The economic vision, rooted in privatization, market liberalization, and austerity, has drawn sharp criticism for deepening inequality and placing additional strain on already struggling Syrians.

Key state assets are being sold off to the private sector, subsidies for bread and household gas have been slashed, and spending cuts have hit essential public services—measures that disproportionately affect lower-income families. Analysts say the policies largely benefit Syria’s emerging economic elite and business networks aligned with the new ruling class.

In a controversial move, the Ministry of Economy and Foreign Trade announced the dismissal of nearly one-third of the public-sector workforce.

Officials claimed the cuts targeted employees who were “receiving salaries without performing any actual duties.”

No official figures have been released on the total number affected, but some workers were placed on paid leave for three months pending further evaluation of their employment status.

The decision sparked a wave of protests from laid-off and suspended workers in cities across the country, highlighting growing discontent with the government’s top-down reforms and raising questions about the social cost of its economic overhaul.

Since the start of the year, the al-Sharaa administration has repeatedly pledged to raise public sector wages by 400%, setting a new minimum salary at 1,123,560 Syrian pounds—roughly $86.

While welcomed in principle, the measure remains unimplemented and falls far short of meeting basic living needs. By the end of March 2025, the minimum monthly expenses for a family of five in Damascus were estimated at 8 million pounds, or about $666.

Meanwhile, the government’s decision to reduce tariffs on more than 260 Turkish products has triggered backlash from local producers, particularly in the struggling industrial and agricultural sectors.

Critics say the move has undercut domestic output and opened the floodgates to cheaper Turkish imports. According to Türkiye’s Ministry of Trade, Turkish exports to Syria rose by 31.2% in the first quarter of 2025, reaching $508 million, up from $387 million in the same period last year.

Political Fragmentation and Rising Sectarian Tensions

The new government has also made little headway in addressing Syria’s deep political and social fractures.

Efforts to build bridges with the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration in the northeast and to engage Druze communities in the southern province of Sweida have largely faltered, facing both logistical hurdles and grassroots resistance.

Recent protests in Sweida, sparked by opposition to the interim constitution and broader government policies, highlight the growing public unrest.

The surge in violence along Syria’s coastal regions, where hundreds of civilians have been killed in recent weeks, has further inflamed sectarian tensions and raised alarms over the country’s fragile stability.

While the latest wave of violence in Syria’s coastal regions was initially triggered by remnants of the former Assad regime targeting civilians and security personnel, rights monitors say the government’s response has fueled further sectarian division.

Under the pretext of rooting out so-called regime “holdouts,” retaliatory violence has escalated, often blurring the line between former loyalists and the broader Alawite community.

Analysts warn that this narrative risks fostering collective blame and deepening intercommunal resentment.

Despite efforts by the al-Sharaa administration to de-escalate tensions, it has largely failed to prevent the violence from spiraling. Clashes and reprisals have continued, particularly affecting Alawite-populated areas, where community members have accused security forces of indiscriminate crackdowns.

Authorities in Damascus have described the incidents as isolated and attributed them to “undisciplined elements,” but critics say the lack of accountability and failure to investigate abuses have only emboldened perpetrators.

Despite pledges to usher in a new era of accountability, the al-Sharaa administration has failed to establish a comprehensive process to prosecute individuals and groups involved in war crimes committed over the past decade.

Rights advocates say such a mechanism could have helped prevent the current wave of retaliatory violence and sectarian polarization, but political observers argue that meaningful justice would likely expose actors the new leadership is reluctant to confront.

Regional Powers Stir the Pot

Amid the internal fragmentation, external actors—most notably Iran, Israel—have sought to exploit the country’s ethnic and sectarian divisions to serve their strategic interests.

Israeli officials have stepped up rhetoric in recent weeks, signaling a willingness to intervene militarily under the pretext of “protecting” Syria’s Druze minority. While the move is seen by many as an attempt to extend Tel Aviv’s influence in southern Syria, key Druze political and social leaders have largely rejected such overtures, reaffirming their national identity and support for Syria’s territorial unity.

Meanwhile, Tehran continues to entrench its presence in areas vacated by Assad’s forces, drawing criticism from opposition groups who accuse Iran of exacerbating sectarian fault lines to solidify its influence.

Despite a power-sharing agreement between Damascus and the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, Turkish military operations have persisted in the northeast, targeting Kurdish-controlled territories in apparent defiance of diplomatic efforts to stabilize the region.

Finally, what began in December 2024 with widespread optimism is now clouded by political ambiguity, social unrest, and a lack of clear direction—casting doubt on whether Syria’s post-Assad era can deliver the change many had hoped for.