A Look at the Jordan Valley Israeli PM Has Vowed to Annex

In this file photo taken on June 23, 2019 Israeli soldiers stand guard in an old army outpost overlooking the Jordan Valley between the Israeli city of Beit Shean and the West Bank city of Jericho. (AFP)
In this file photo taken on June 23, 2019 Israeli soldiers stand guard in an old army outpost overlooking the Jordan Valley between the Israeli city of Beit Shean and the West Bank city of Jericho. (AFP)
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A Look at the Jordan Valley Israeli PM Has Vowed to Annex

In this file photo taken on June 23, 2019 Israeli soldiers stand guard in an old army outpost overlooking the Jordan Valley between the Israeli city of Beit Shean and the West Bank city of Jericho. (AFP)
In this file photo taken on June 23, 2019 Israeli soldiers stand guard in an old army outpost overlooking the Jordan Valley between the Israeli city of Beit Shean and the West Bank city of Jericho. (AFP)

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's last-minute vow to annex the Jordan Valley if re-elected next week has sparked Arab condemnation and injected the Palestinians into a political campaign that had almost entirely ignored them.

Netanyahu has made similar promises before but hasn't followed through. His current pledge to annex the Jordanian Valley was widely regarded at home as a campaign stunt to draw in right-wing voters, many of whom live in settlements in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

Netanyahu presented the move as a historic "one-time opportunity" to favorably redraw Israeli's borders, at a time when a friendly administration in Washington says it's about to unveil its long-delayed Middle East peace plan. The Jordan Valley makes up about one-fourth of the West Bank, which is the centerpiece of any future Palestinian state.

The prime minister said the move "doesn't annex a single Palestinian." Israelis and Palestinians living in the West Bank aren't afforded the same rights, such as Palestinians not having the right to vote in Israeli elections.

The annexation of the valley would establish a permanent buffer along the border with Jordan and leave the Palestinians with only isolated enclaves surrounded by Israel, all but ruling out their dream of building a hoped-for state. A United Nations spokesman warned the step would be “devastating" to the prospects of a Palestinian state alongside Israel.

The Associated Press takes a look at the significance of the Jordan Valley:

The geography

The Jordan Valley makes up the eastern edge of the West Bank. It runs some 300 kilometers (185 miles) from the Sea of Galilee in the north along the Jordan River down to the Dead Sea on the Israel-Jordan frontier.

Israel captured the area from Jordan, along with the rest of the West Bank and east Jerusalem, in the 1967 war. Since then, it has established around 30 settlements in the Jordan Valley, which is now home to some 65,000 Palestinians and 11,000 settlers, according to the Israeli rights group B'Tselem. The international community, along with the Palestinians, overwhelmingly considers all Israeli settlements in the West Bank and east Jerusalem illegal.

Outside of the Palestinian city of Jericho and some surrounding communities, about 90 percent of the Jordan Valley falls under full Israeli security and administrative control, meaning the Israeli military polices the territory and its population.

As the lowest place on earth, it has a unique climate that can produce fruits and vegetables year-round. Access to the Dead Sea and its mineral-rich waters also offers tourism and other commercial benefits.

"Israel is clinging to the Jordan Valley because this large area has high economic value," said Sameh al-Abed, a former Palestinian Cabinet minister, according to the AP. "It is the food basket of the Palestinian people and full of natural resources."

A strategic asset

For Israel, the Jordan Valley is considered a key security asset because it provides a buffer zone against potential attacks from the east and assures a defensive line along the country's long frontier with Jordan, which signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1994.

Israelis consider a military presence there to be a keystone of any regional peace accord since it could keep the Palestinian areas demilitarized. It is also sparsely populated by Israeli settlers, most of whom are secular farmers and far less ideologically driven than those deep in the West Bank and in settlements with biblical significance. As such, there is a wide consensus in Israel, even among moderates, that Israel should retain some element of control in the area under any peace deal.

Palestinians, however, say there can be no independent state that doesn't control the border. With annexation they would lose a fertile area, which is home to many Palestinian farms and is one of the few remaining areas of the West Bank with open space for development. They currently have severe limitations on expanding towns and villages and those built without hard-to-get permits — like the Bedouin encampment of Khan al-Ahmar — face standing demolition orders.

"Israel kept the Jordan Valley empty of Palestinians over the years just for this moment, the annexation," said Nidal Fukah, a community activist in the town of Kardala.

Israeli politics

Netanyahu has made various vows to impose Israeli sovereignty over occupied territory before but has yet to follow through because of the long-reaching consequences. His presentation Tuesday was far more detailed, though, pointing to a map as he made his case.

Among Israelis, there seems to be widespread opposition to any withdrawal from the area. Many believe a return to the pre-1967 lines is untenable. At the narrowest point along Israel's coastal plain, the distance between the Mediterranean Sea and the West Bank is just 15 kilometers (nine miles) wide, leaving many Israelis concerned about the country possibly being split in two in a future military conflict.

Without the Jordan Valley, Jerusalem would also be surrounded on three sides by Palestinian land.

Netanyahu's main rival in the September 17 elections, retired military chief Benny Gantz, has also vowed to retain control over the Jordan Valley. But he has stopped short of calling outright for annexation and dismissed Netanyahu's announcement as campaign theatrics.

End of a Palestinian dream

For Palestinians, Israeli annexation of the Jordan Valley could be devastating to any remaining hopes of establishing a state that includes the West Bank.

Jericho, the valley's main population center, would be engulfed on all sides by Israeli territory, and the remainder of the West Bank would be surrounded by Israel to the east and west. With Netanyahu pledging further annexations, the Palestinians would be left only with small, disconnected enclaves — making it difficult, if not impossible, to move from place to place or establish a viable state.

In his presentation, Netanyahu suggested establishing road links for Palestinians to neighboring Jordan — a scenario that neither the Palestinians nor Jordan seem to want.

"Killing all chances for peace for electoral purposes is irresponsible, dangerous," Jordan's Foreign Minister, Ayman Safadi, wrote on Twitter.

For this reason, the UN, the European Union and the Arab world have come out strongly against Netanyahu.



Syria and Lebanon's Moves to Centralize Power Leads to Crackdowns on Palestinian Factions

FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
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Syria and Lebanon's Moves to Centralize Power Leads to Crackdowns on Palestinian Factions

FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)

Lebanon and Syria are cracking down on Palestinian factions that for decades have had an armed presence in both countries and which on some occasions were used to plan and launch attacks against Israel.
The crackdown comes as Syria's new rulers under the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group are pursuing officials of the former government under Bashar Assad, including those in the ousted president's web of security agencies. Syria's most prominent Palestinian factions were key allies of the Assad dynasty in both war and peace time and closely cooperated on security matters, The Associated Press said.
It also comes after Iran’s main regional ally, the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, was weakened after over a year of war with Israel and as Lebanon’s new government vows to monopolize all arms under the government, including Hezbollah and Palestinian factions in Lebanon.
On Wednesday, Syria's President Ahmad al-Sharaa said his government is holding indirect talks with Israel through mediators, who he did not name. He said the aim of the indirect negotiations is to ease tensions after intense Israeli airstrikes on Syria.
A crackdown on hardline Palestinian factions, including the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which took part with Hamas in the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks in Gaza, is likely to be welcomed by Israel.
A Syrian government official declined to comment on the matter.
A Palestinian official who had been in Damascus for more than 40 years, and who recently left the country, said Palestinian factions in Syria were forced to hand over their weapons and the Palestinian embassy will be the only side that Syria's new authorities will deal with. The Palestinian groups would only be limited to social and charitable activities, the official added, who spoke on condition of anonymity fearing for their safety.
‘We are simply guests here’
Palestinian factions for decades have lived in refugee camps in Lebanon and Syria and have been involved militarily both locally and regionally. They closely aligned themselves with the Assads and later with Hezbollah in Lebanon, whose powerful military arsenal grew over the past few decades. Over time, many of the leaders of groups like Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad were based in those countries.
However, the regional developments of late 2024 that went against Iran’s favor in the Levant began to take shape in recent weeks among the Palestinian factions in Lebanon and Syria.
“No weapons will be allowed in the (Palestinian refugee) camps. The Syrian state will protect citizens whether they are Palestinians or Syrians,” said Syrian political analyst Ahmad al-Hamada, whose view points reflect those of the government. “It is not allowed for Palestinian factions that were arms for Iran and the Assad regime to keep their weapons.”
When asked whether the state will prevent any attacks against Israel, al-Hamada said Syria will not allow its territories to be used as a launch pad against any neighbor.
Syrian authorities in Damascus this week detained two senior officials of the Iran-backed Palestinian Islamic Jihad group and briefly detained and questioned the leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, FLP-GC, that since its founding had been a key ally of Assad.
Another Palestinian official with one of the factions that had been based in Syria said the developments caught them by surprise, and that regardless of who runs the country they are keen to have good relations with Syria’s new rulers and maintain the country’s stability.
“We hope that this wouldn’t have happened. But we don’t have a say in this,” the official said, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they are still based in the country. “We are simply guests here.”
The government in Lebanon, which is trying to expand its army’s influence in the south near Israel, has also been reclaiming dozens of informal border crossings with Syria, which were key arteries for Iran and its allies to transport weapons and fighters over the years. Many of those crossings were held by PFLP-GC militants who have given some of those positions up to the Lebanese army after Assad’s downfall.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who Palestinian factions in Syria oppose, visited Damascus last month for the first time in more than a decade and he is scheduled to visit Lebanon on May 21.
‘Unprecedented times’
After Israel intensified its airstrikes on Lebanon in response to Hamas allegedly firing rockets from southern Lebanon in late March, the Lebanese government for the first time called out the Palestinian group and arrested nearly 10 suspects involved in the operation. Hamas was pressured by the military to turn in three of their militants from different refugee camps.
Ahmad Abdul-Hadi, a Hamas representative in Lebanon, was also summoned by the head of one of the country’s top security agencies over the incident and was formally told that Hamas should stop its military activities.
Lebanon's President Joseph Aoun, who is backed by the United States and Arab countries rather than Hezbollah and Iran, has said armed factions should not be allowed to “shake up national security and stability.” His statement has set a new tone after decades of tolerating the presence of armed Palestinian groups in refugee camps which have led to armed conflict in the crowded ghettos.
“I think we’re in unprecedented times, politically speaking,” said Mohanad Hage Ali, a senior fellow at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. “The (Lebanese) army is acting out of a political will, with its former chief now the president. There is a strong political thrust behind the army.”
A Lebanese government official familiar with the initiative said that Hamas was told to hand over wanted militants and end all its military activity in the country. He added that there is also a plan to gradually give up Hamas' weapons, which coincides with the visit to Lebanon of Abbas, leader of the rival Fatah group.