Impoverished Beirut Neighborhood Becomes Starting Point for Attacks on Protesters

A burned car that was set on fire early Tuesday by Hezbollah and Amal, lies on a roadside, in Beirut, Lebanon, Tuesday, Dec. 17, 2019. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
A burned car that was set on fire early Tuesday by Hezbollah and Amal, lies on a roadside, in Beirut, Lebanon, Tuesday, Dec. 17, 2019. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
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Impoverished Beirut Neighborhood Becomes Starting Point for Attacks on Protesters

A burned car that was set on fire early Tuesday by Hezbollah and Amal, lies on a roadside, in Beirut, Lebanon, Tuesday, Dec. 17, 2019. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
A burned car that was set on fire early Tuesday by Hezbollah and Amal, lies on a roadside, in Beirut, Lebanon, Tuesday, Dec. 17, 2019. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)

The name of the area al-Khandaq al-Ghameeq near central Beirut has been associated with confrontations with anti-government Lebanese demonstrators who took to the streets on October 17. Their attempts to contain those attacking them from that area were not fruitful, whether through mothers’ marches from neighboring areas, a visit by members of the Tripoli Municipality that emphasized that Lebanese pain is one, or by the protesters’ chants through megaphones against sedition.

Almost one week ago, the Khandaq youth assaults on protesters in central Beirut and their confrontations with the security forces and their use of Molotov, sticks, and stones, dominated the headlines and live coverage, until the events that took place on Tuesday, including burning cars in an attempt to create tensions and force protesters out of Beirut’s squares.

Al-Khandaq al-Ghameeq is located right next to central Beirut and spans from Basta Tahta to Fouad Chehab Bridge, known as Ring. Its buildings carry the marks of Lebanon’s 1975-1990 Civil War and are in apparent contradiction with the fancy buildings next to the financial center.

Mukhtar of Bashoura Mesbah Eido tells Asharq al-Awsat that “al-Khandaq spans 500 meters and ends at the French Hospital that was razed to the ground before the 1975 war started. A real estate company bought it out a while ago but stopped after finding an archaeological area there. Al-Khandaq was a line of contact during the war, ending at the Ring. Inside its neighborhoods, life was normal. A Christian majority and some minorities inhabited the area. The Syriac church is still there under reconstruction, along with Christian properties. This area, however, was invaded by displaced persons during the civil war, who were compensated by the displaced fund and the owners retrieved their properties.”

Al-Khandaq is adjacent to Zaroob al-Haramiye [Thieves Alley] that separated it from Bashoura graveyard, the oldest in Beirut. It is simultaneously famous for comic and horrific stories.

Al-Hajj Ali, an elderly from the area, tells Asharq al-Awsat, “These alleys would beat with stories about strong men dominating the entrances to downtown Beirut and would follow leaders’ commands. However, there is a big difference between the movements of the forties and fifties of the last century, where a gallant strong people would help those in need and would protect families, and today’s thugs, hooligans working for their interest or for whoever pays.”

In Eido’s opinion, what is happening from al-Khandaq is “the result of poverty and negligence due to the state’s indifference to the people.”

Mahdi, the owner of a newspaper distribution company, tells Asharq al-Awsat that the protesters’ constant attempts to block the Ring road “harms the people in al-Khandaq as it stops them from entering the area. They have always demanded that the road is blocked from the Ashrafieh side and not theirs, but they were not heard.”

He insists that “people from al-Khandaq are peaceful, but the provocations have gone beyond the limit. Every leader has his group. When social media shows cursing and news of buses from Tripoli and Akkar headed to protect the protesters from al-Khandaq’s residents, motorcycles start gathering, and the young men prepare themselves to defend their rights and dignity.”

Mahdi points out that the Sunni families in al-Khandaq are very few, alongside two Christian families predating the civil war.

One of the young men from al-Khandaq does not agree with Mahdi, saying that “the area is Shiite and poor, and the predominant population there is Shiite, mostly unemployed and affiliated with Amal Movement or the Resistance Brigades. However, Hezbollah does not have much dominance there.”

Its young people do not deal with Amal supporters because they are organized and committed to a partisan direction. Amal and the Resistance Brigades assemble, get a call, and mobilize. It’s not important whether they get called by official parties, perhaps they are being mobilized by some fifth column, he says.



Jamal Mustafa Recalls to Asharq Al-Awsat Years with Saddam, his Imprisonment and Execution

Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel during the interview.
Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel during the interview.
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Jamal Mustafa Recalls to Asharq Al-Awsat Years with Saddam, his Imprisonment and Execution

Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel during the interview.
Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel during the interview.

Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan, late Iraqi President Saddam Hussein’s son-in-law and second secretary, broke his silence and sat down with Asharq Al-Awsat to recall his time in prison and his years with the late president.

It’s not easy being Saddam’s son-in-law, son of his tribe and to rally the tribes to defend Baghdad only to discover that it has been occupied by the Americans, who have printed your image on playing cards and named you Iraq’s ninth most-wanted man. It’s not easy to seek safety in Syria, only to be turned away and then find yourself in prison.

It’s not easy to live in solitary confinement, and to be accused, while in prison, of leading a resistance and of sending booby-trapped cars. It’s not easy to learn while in prison that Saddam was detained by the American forces. It’s not easy to be summoned to trial in the Dujail case only to come face-to-face with Saddam himself.

It’s not easy to learn that “Mr. President” was executed at dawn on Eid al-Adha and that his corpse was strewn in front of then Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's house as he was celebrating his daughter’s wedding.

It’s not easy to learn from a judge in 2011 that there was no reason for you to remain on trial and that he was capable of releasing you in exchange for a hefty sum of dollars. Mustafa did not have that sort of money, so he was forced to remain in prison for nearly a decade before being released in 2021 due to a lack of evidence.

Weeks ago, I came across an old photo of Saddam with his whole family. Pictured were Saddam, his wife Sajidah, and his sons Uday and Qusay, daughter Raghad and her husband Hussein Kamel al-Majid, daughter Rana and her husband Saddam Kamel al-Majid, and daughter Hala and husband Mustafa. Five of the six men in the photo have been killed and only Mustafa remains.

Saddam Hussein surrounded by his family. (AFP)

He was born in Tikrit on October 1, 1964. He joined the president’s guard and was encouraged to continue his studies, earning a degree in political science. He played a major role in promoting sports and enjoyed strong ties with athletes. He was tasked with the tribe file and consequently forged extensive tis with them. He was trusted by Saddam and joined government meetings.

Mustafa was arrested on April 21, 2003, and released from al-Kadhimiya prison on June 17, 2021. He headed to Baghdad and later Erbil where he met with Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani. He then left Iraq for the Qatari capital Doha where he resides with Saddam’s widow Sajidah.

I approached Mustafa for an interview after he had shied away from the media, and he agreed to break his silence. As is tradition with tribes, he refused that I leave without a late lunch. The main meal was Habeet, the traditional Iraqi dish and Saddam’s favorite.

After leaving our meeting, I recalled what Abdul Raouf Rashid, the judge who issued the death sentence against Saddam in the Dujail case. He told me: “We acted according to the law and justice. Unfortunately, some officials turned the case into one of vengeance and gloating when they chose to execute him on Eid al-Adha. They desecrated Saddam’s corpse. Their actions are practically a gift to Saddam’s supporters who will keep his memory alive for a long time.”

I asked Mustafa about his time behind bars. He told Asharq Al-Awsat that he was on good terms with head of the Revolutionary Court Awad al-Bandar, who issued the death sentence. “He used to relay some of Saddam’s messages to me. (...) He was a good and brave man,” he said.

He recalled how he would receive cigars from Saddam that had his signature, a signal that he had received his messages. “I still have some of those cigars,” added Mustafa.

Saddam Hussein and Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan.

On Saddam’s morale during his time prison, Mustafa recalled: “The Iraqis, Arabs and Muslims know him well. They know that he was a brave and unyielding man. (...) It is no secret that he was aware that he was going to be executed. Everyone in jail was aware of this and we could not shake off the thought.”

Mustafa accused the trial of being corrupt and that any conviction could be made against Saddam to justify laying down the death penalty against him. “The trial was a farce. It was held by the Americans at Iranian orders and carried out by Iraqi agents to appease their Iranian and American masters. It was a tool to take revenge against the former regime,” stressed Mustafa.

Mustafa was with Saddam when he came under a failed assassination attempt in Dujail. “He was visiting Dujail just like any other city or village in Iraq. He met with citizens there who welcomed and celebrated his visit. He spoke to citizens and among them a woman. A sheep was slaughtered in his honor, and when we were about to get into our car, the woman splattered blood on the vehicle. We read this as a bad sign. So, we changed cars.”

“Soon after the convoy came under gunfire from gunmen hiding in nearby orchards. The president left his vehicles and several cars were damaged and people were injured. The president walked among the people to reassure them. After speaking to them, he returned to the car and headed back to the location where he had earlier delivered a speech. He delivered another speech before departing and we returned to Baghdad,” recalled Mustafa.

Saddam ordered the arrest of the suspects in the assassination attempt. “An hour after the attack Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani implied during a visit to Syria that they were behind the assassination. He said so from Damascus. This is damning evidence that Iran was behind the attack. They wanted to assassinate him. They knew that if they killed Mr. President that Iraq would fall in their hands,” he added. The suspects were eventually tried and executed.

Mustafa recalled the first day he was summoned to trial in the case. He entered the courtroom and saw Saddam there. “I remember exactly what I told him: ‘Peace be upon you, my father, father-in-law and dear leader,’” he revealed.

At the trial, Mustafa accused Iran of orchestrating several attacks in Baghdad, but the judge dismissed them, saying he was summoned to defend Saddam. Mustafa told the judge: “Mr. President is seen as a criminal by several of Iraq and the Ummah’s enemies, but he is a leader and brave son of Iraq and the Ummah.”

“You ask if I was punished for being Saddam’s son-in-law. The answer is yes. I remained in prison for 18 and a half years. Driven by spite, they only sought revenge. I paid a price and they tried to take revenge against me by keeping me in jail for so long. They came up with all sorts of charges against me, such as leading a resistance from behind bars,” continued Mustafa.

“They believed that I could have used my extensive ties to stage a coup once I was released from prison. So, they believed it was best that I remained and died there.” Mustafa was kept in solitary confinement for years. He recalled some sympathetic guards who treated him with respect because they were aware of his work in the sports sector and his vast network of relations.

Returning to Saddam, Mustafa said he met him twice while they were in prison. He recalled how painful it was to see him as he was his idol and he was surrounded by enemies on all sides. “He was a lion among them. He was firm in his principles and strove and sacrificed to uphold them.”

Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan's image on the playing cards of most-wanted Iraqis regime figures released by the US military.

Their first meeting took place in the jail and Mustafa said Saddam was in high spirits. They met the second time at court when Saddam declared that he had been tortured along with other detained leaders.

Mustafa learned of Saddam’s death when he noticed that the guards had taken away the radio the Americans had allowed them to keep so they could listen to the news. “We woke up one morning and it was gone. I also noticed a translator among our usual guard. This is a sign that something had happened,” he explained.

“Eventually we learned that Saddam was executed and martyred,” said Mustafa. “I said the following: ‘from now on Saddam will be a symbol of courage, heroism and sacrifice for all Iraqis, Arabs and Muslims. He will remain an eternal Arab leader.’ The translator translated my words to the guards, who remained silent. We then performed the prayer for the dead. Among us was Tariq Aziz, a Christian, but he also performed the prayer.”

“We were all in shock. His martyrdom was a shock to all honorable patriotic Iraqis, as well as Arabs and Muslims. He was also a great loss because he stood against the enemies. Everyone sensed his loss,” Mustafa added.

Saddam was executed on Eid al-Adha, which Mustafa said was deliberate to insult and humiliate the Arabs and Muslims.

“At the time, we heard claims that his corpse was strewn in front of Nouri al-Maliki's house. Maliki is allied to Iran. He was celebrating his daughter's wedding. The body was taken there to seal the revenge. They have never served or offered Iraq anything but revenge and destruction.”

The body was taken to Tikrit and later Al-Awja, Saddam’s birthplace, in the Salahuddin province. He was buried there and mourners from all over the world came to pay their respects. The grave remains a secret to only the most trusted people.