Exclusive - Crisis Fails to Reunite Lebanon’s March 14 Forces

A general view of demonstrators during 2019 anti-government protests in central Beirut. (Reuters)
A general view of demonstrators during 2019 anti-government protests in central Beirut. (Reuters)
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Exclusive - Crisis Fails to Reunite Lebanon’s March 14 Forces

A general view of demonstrators during 2019 anti-government protests in central Beirut. (Reuters)
A general view of demonstrators during 2019 anti-government protests in central Beirut. (Reuters)

A new crisis emerged in Lebanon after the “Shiite duo” of Amal and Hezbollah, as well as the Free Patriotic Movement, voted for Hassan Diab as the country’s new prime minister-designate. The development revived the rivalry between the March 8 forces, which includes Hezbollah, Amal and the FPM, and the March 14 forces, which had abstained from naming Diab as PM.

However, the March 14 camp’s decision to distance itself or its deliberate exclusion from the government has not prompted its members to regroup. Conflicts of interests among its members and their own personal agendas have fragmented the camp that has championed Lebanon’s sovereignty away from foreign meddling.

Prominent members of the camp have doubted that a new political reality would be introduced in Lebanon even though the March 14 forces support the popular uprising that erupted on October 17.

Mustaqbal Movement politburo member, former MP Mustafa Alloush said: “The ties that have been broken between the March 14 forces cannot be mended.”

“Experience in recent years has proven that every party has its own agenda and prioritizes partisan and sectarian interests above the national ideals of the March 14, 2005 revolution,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Moreover, he did not rule out the possibility of some March 14 parties striking settlements with Hezbollah and its allies, “as they have done in the past.”

“In politics, everything is possible. There can be no permanent rivalry and no permanent alliance. Everything is based on interests,” he stated.

“The March 14 forces may return to their former unity should they receive strong regional support,” he remarked.

The March 14 camp does share some of the demands of the ongoing popular protests, most significant of which is limiting the possession of weapons to the military and state security forces and restricting the decision of war and peace to the state.

The factors that forced the camp out of power are incapable of reuniting it, said a leading member of the Lebanese Forces of the March 14 forces.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity, he was frank in blaming the current division in the camp on the 2016 presidential settlement that eventually led to Michel Aoun’s election as president.

“The settlement dashed all hopes for reuniting the March 14 forces,” he stressed.

“Unfortunately, we deliberately chose suicide because we opted for a settlement with a camp that has no agenda but to reach power,” he said in reference to Aoun and the FPM.

“Such a camp has displayed so much disloyalty. It struck a settlement with partners and no sooner had it sucked all of their blood, that it abandoned all agreements with them,” he went on to say.

“The whole of Lebanon is today paying the price of the presidential settlement that allowed Hezbollah to impose its control over Lebanon, which is now isolated from its Arab surroundings and international community,” said the LF member.

As it stands, the international community and Arab world have yet to make a stance over the Diab’s appointment as PM-designate. Their positions will emerge once the upcoming political phase in Lebanon begins to take shape.

Advisor to the Progressive Socialist Party chief, Rami al-Rayyes said: “Reviving the March 8 and 14 fronts is the thing of the past due to the various developments that have taken place.”

He cited the shift in priorities, the fundamental difference between the 2005 and 2019 revolts and the reshuffling of political cards after the collapse of the presidential settlement.

The March 14 camp is still committed to its slogan of sovereignty, independence and freedom, but it is too soon to speak about returning to the former political divisions, he told Asharq Al-Awsat. The positive cooperation and the political relationship between the Mustaqbal Movement, LF and Kataeb party will, however, remain.



Pezeshkian: Iran’s New Reformist President

Iranian reformist candidate Masoud Pezeshkian raises his fist as he arrives for his campaign rally, two days before a presidential election runoff following a first round marked by a historically low turnout, at a stadium in Tehran on July 3, 2024. (AFP)
Iranian reformist candidate Masoud Pezeshkian raises his fist as he arrives for his campaign rally, two days before a presidential election runoff following a first round marked by a historically low turnout, at a stadium in Tehran on July 3, 2024. (AFP)
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Pezeshkian: Iran’s New Reformist President

Iranian reformist candidate Masoud Pezeshkian raises his fist as he arrives for his campaign rally, two days before a presidential election runoff following a first round marked by a historically low turnout, at a stadium in Tehran on July 3, 2024. (AFP)
Iranian reformist candidate Masoud Pezeshkian raises his fist as he arrives for his campaign rally, two days before a presidential election runoff following a first round marked by a historically low turnout, at a stadium in Tehran on July 3, 2024. (AFP)

Masoud Pezeshkian, Iran's only reformist candidate in the latest presidential election, has risen from relative obscurity to become the ninth president of the country.

Pezeshkian, 69, won around 53.6 percent of the vote in a runoff election against the ultraconservative Saeed Jalili.

In the first round of Iran's snap elections on June 28, Pezeshkian led the polls against three other conservative figures, stunning supporters and rivals alike.

Pezeshkian's victory has raised the hopes of Iran's reformists after years of dominance by the conservative and ultraconservative camps.

He will replace late ultraconservative president Ebrahim Raisi who died in a May helicopter crash.

"The difficult path ahead will not be smooth except with your companionship, empathy, and trust. I extend my hand to you," Pezeshkian said in a post on X, after on Tuesday saying he would "extend the hand of friendship to everyone" if he won.

In the lead-up to the elections, Iran's main reformist coalition threw its weight behind Pezeshkian, with former presidents Mohammad Khatami and the moderate Hassan Rouhani declaring support for his bid.

Pezeshkian takes over the presidency amid heightened regional tensions over the Gaza war, a dispute with the West over Iran's nuclear program and domestic discontent over the state of Iran's sanctions-hit economy.

- 'Out of isolation' -

The outspoken heart surgeon had publicly criticized the Raisi government over its handling of the death in custody of Iranian Kurd Mahsa Amini, who had been arrested for allegedly violating the country's strict dress code for women.

In a post on Twitter, now known as X, at the time, he called on the authorities to "set up an investigation team" to look into the circumstances behind her death.

In recent campaigning, he has maintained his stance, criticizing the enforcement of mandatory hijab laws which require women to cover their head and neck in public since shortly after the 1979 revolution.

"We oppose any violent and inhumane behavior towards anyone, notably our sisters and daughters, and we will not allow these actions to happen," he said.

He also vowed to ease internet restrictions and to involve ethnic minorities in his government.

Pezeshkian was born in 1954 to an Iranian father of Turkic origin and a Kurdish mother in the city of Mahabad in the northwestern province of West Azerbaijan.

He has represented Tabriz in Iran's parliament since 2008, served as health minister in Khatami's government, and supervised sending medical teams to the war front during the Iran-Iraq conflict between 1980 and 1988.

In 1993, Pezeshkian lost his wife and one of his children in a car accident. He never remarried and raised his remaining three children -- two sons and a daughter -- alone.

Campaigning on behalf of Pezeshkian was Mohammad Javad Zarif, Iran's combative former foreign minister who helped secure the landmark 2015 nuclear deal with world powers, which fell through three years later.

Pezeshkian has called for reviving the accord -- which sought to curb Tehran's nuclear activity in return for sanctions relief -- to get Iran "out of isolation".

"If we manage to lift the sanctions, people will have an easier life while the continuation of sanctions means making people's lives miserable," he said during a televised interview.

Pezeshkian will be tasked with applying state policy outlined by the supreme leader Ali Khamenei, who wields ultimate authority in the country.