Sudanese-Israeli Relations: From Secret Beginnings to a Public End

Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of Sudan’s Sovereign Council, reportedly met Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Uganda on February 3, 2020 (AFP)
Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of Sudan’s Sovereign Council, reportedly met Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Uganda on February 3, 2020 (AFP)
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Sudanese-Israeli Relations: From Secret Beginnings to a Public End

Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of Sudan’s Sovereign Council, reportedly met Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Uganda on February 3, 2020 (AFP)
Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of Sudan’s Sovereign Council, reportedly met Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Uganda on February 3, 2020 (AFP)

The meeting between Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Chairman of the Sovereign Council of Sudan, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Uganda two days ago made the relations between the countries public, adding Sudan to the list of countries in contact with Israel.

These secret Sudanese-Israeli relations go back to the beginning of the 1980s when secret meetings took place between former President Gaafar Muhammad Nimeiry and former Defense Minister Ariel Sharon through an Arab mediator. These meetings later paved the way for the deportation of Falasha (Ethiopian Jews) to Tel Aviv.

After the international press revealed the meeting, Nimeiry asked Israel and the US to stop the operation and not to disclose his role in smuggling Falasha Jews. The US, however, started to put pressure Nimeiry in 1985 during a visit by US Vice President George Bush to Khartoum meant to resume the smuggling operation, famously known as the “Saba” operation. Nimeiry succumbed to the pressure on the condition that they are transported to European countries, including Israel.

Sharon recalls in his memoirs that the first meeting with Nimeiry took place during the funeral service of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in Cairo. He was there as part of an Israeli delegation to give condolences.

Sharon said: “I met with Nimeiry for the second time in 1982 to discuss strategic issues that concern Africa. The meeting was arranged by a former Israeli officer in the intelligence services, Yaacob Namrud, and an Arab businessman”. He then added that “I discussed with Nimeiry another issue that was of paramount importance to Sudan and Israel,” hinting at the issue of transporting Falasha Jews to Israel.

The secret communications between Israel and Sudan were discontinued after Nimeiry’s regime was overthrown by the popular revolution in 1985. The Sudanese officials in the security services and the regime were persecuted for taking part in this transportation of the Falasha.

Ousted President Omar al-Bashir maintained public hostility to Israel, considering his extremist Islamic ideology, and joined the camp of countries that are opposed to Israel in the region. This case of normalization of relations with Israel remained present during the marathon negotiations that took place between the overthrown regime and the CIA regarding fighting terrorism after the September 11 attacks.

Reliable sources indicate that one of the conditions that the US kept putting on the table during negotiations with Sudan to remove it from the terrorism list and ending economic sanctions was taking a favorable position towards Israel. This was not rejected by Sudanese negotiators.

Under heavy US pressure and increasing international isolation, the ousted regime responded by cutting relations with Iran and ceasing all support of Hamas, a position that is favorable for Israel. Observers have found that in recent years, the regime has sent positive signs to Israel, expressed by the former Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour, who did not dismiss the possibility of discussing normalizing relations with Israel during discussions with the US over removing the sanctions.

Wikileaks released a conversation with the advisor to the overthrown president, Mostafa Osman Ismail, where he pushed for Washington’s suggestion to normalize ties with Israel as a condition for restoring relations with the US.

Mubarak al Fadil al Mahdi, the Minister of Investment in the last government formation under Bashir before it was overthrown, publicly stated his support of diplomatic relations between Israel and Sudan. He said: “The Sudanese do not find relations with Israel problematic.”



Cash Shortage Squeezes Gaza Residents

Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
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Cash Shortage Squeezes Gaza Residents

Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)

Even when food is available, many in Gaza cannot afford to buy it, as the enclave suffers from a severe cash shortage. Israel has blocked the entry of new currency into the territory since October 7, 2023, leaving residents at the mercy of money changers who have hiked exchange rates on remittances to exorbitant levels.

Palestinians in Gaza primarily rely on the Israeli shekel for daily transactions, which used to enter the strip through banks operating under the Palestinian Monetary Authority, supplied by the Bank of Israel.

Banking operations in Gaza have ground to a halt since the start of the war, and no fresh banknotes have entered the enclave, worsening an already dire humanitarian situation. Residents say they have been left at the mercy of traders who exploit the cash shortage to impose arbitrary rules on currency use.

'The Traders’ Game'

Dubbed “the traders’ game” by many in Gaza, the practice began with merchants refusing to accept worn-out banknotes and certain coins, such as the 10-shekel piece (worth about $3), which have all but vanished from local markets. Some vendors now reject older versions of bills - like the brown-hued 100-shekel note (around $28) - insisting instead on the newer yellow ones. The same rules apply to various denominations.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Hani Jahjouh, a resident of al-Shati Camp west of Gaza City, said vendors selling vegetables and essential goods - when available - often refuse worn banknotes or specific coins, claiming they are counterfeit or easily faked.

“This just adds to the burden of people already crushed by impossible living conditions,” said Jahjouh, 59. “We don’t have solutions. We don’t even know where to get the money they’re asking for.”

Only a very small number of traders accept digital payments, and even then, residents say, they impose tough conditions - such as inflated prices or demands for partial payment in cash.

Displaced Gazan Duaa Ismail, originally from Beit Hanoun in the north of the enclave, says even when goods are available, she cannot afford them due to a lack of cash.

“We’re suffering badly from a shortage of money, and that makes it even harder to get basic items like flour and sugar - when they’re even in stock,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat from a shelter in Gaza City’s Sheikh Radwan neighborhood.

Ismail said that during a brief ceasefire, some traders had accepted digital payments through mobile apps. “But once the war resumed, things worsened, and they stopped taking them altogether,” she said.

Salaries They Can’t Spend

The crisis has also hit public-sector employees, private workers, and international aid staff, many of whom receive salaries through bank transfers or mobile wallets but have no way of accessing their funds with banks shuttered. They are forced to rely on currency dealers or traders with access to physical cash.

Amjad Hasballah, an employee with the Palestinian Authority, said he has been cashing his monthly salary through mobile banking apps for over a year and a half, paying a steep commission to money traders in return.

“When I received my last salary in early April, the commission had reached 30%,” he said.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Hasballah explained that at the start of the war, commissions hovered around 5%, but they spiked during Ramadan, peaking at 35% around Eid al-Fitr, before dipping slightly to 30%.

“My salary is just 2,800 shekels. When I pay a 30% fee, there’s barely anything left,” he said bitterly. “At this point, the traders might as well take the whole salary and just give us pocket money.”

Caught in a Trap

Jamal Al-Mashal, a father of six who lost two children in an Israeli airstrike, said he lives off 1,000 shekels (about $280) in monthly international aid. But even that amount is slashed by up to 30% when he exchanges it through local traders.

“People in Gaza have become a cash trap for currency dealers and big traders,” he said. “They’re exploiting our desperation, and it’s like a harvest season for them - raking in profits while we suffer.”

The poorest and most vulnerable are hit hardest. Many international agencies rely on electronic payment platforms to distribute aid to these groups, who often have no access to physical currency.

No Oversight, No Restraint

The Hamas-run government has made attempts to cap commission rates at 5%, but those efforts have largely failed. Officials blame ongoing Israeli targeting of personnel involved in regulating the process.

Money changers defend the high fees, arguing that the lack of currency entering Gaza leaves them with limited options.

“We raise commission rates because there’s simply no new cash coming in,” one trader told Asharq Al-Awsat. “Once money is distributed to the public, we have no way of getting it back. What goes out doesn’t return.”

He added that while ministries and law enforcement have tried to impose limits, traders view the rules as unfair. “There have been attempts to regulate us, but we haven’t complied - they’re asking too much from us under impossible conditions,” he said.

Some municipal leaders and community elders in Gaza have recently appealed to the Palestinian Monetary Authority in Ramallah to intervene in what they describe as unchecked profiteering by traders controlling access to scarce cash.

They have called for greater oversight, including monitoring and freezing the traders’ bank accounts.

The authority has repeatedly warned against exploitation of civilians and threatened to take action. But in practice, traders continue to charge hefty commissions on money transfers with little deterrence.

The Authority has urged residents to use its Instant Payment System available through mobile banking apps, which it says offers a practical alternative to cash, promotes digital payments, and enables real-time transactions.

Cash Squeeze Tightens Further

Despite the hardship, Israel is considering new measures that could further tighten the financial stranglehold on Gaza. One proposal involves withdrawing the 200-shekel banknote (worth about $55) from circulation, on the grounds that Hamas allegedly uses it to pay salaries to its fighters.

The suggestion was reportedly made by Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar to Bank of Israel Governor Amir Yaron, who rejected the move. Other proposals include voiding the serial numbers of banknotes believed to be inside Gaza, effectively rendering them worthless, a step that could deliver a significant financial blow to Hamas.

According to a report published Tuesday by the Israeli daily Maariv, the proposal has backing from several ministers and economists both within and outside the central bank.

The report estimated that around 10 billion shekels in high-denomination bills - 100 and 200 shekels - remain in circulation within Gaza. These notes entered the enclave over the years through official banking channels supplied by the Bank of Israel.

Economists told Maariv that Gaza residents receive an estimated 150 to 200 million shekels each month through digital transfers from aid organizations and the Palestinian Authority. That money is then converted into cash within markets dominated by Hamas and supported by a network of money changers.

Israeli security sources estimate that Hamas has accumulated up to five billion shekels since the war began and has spent nearly one billion shekels on salaries for fighters and new recruits. The sources claim Hamas has profited significantly by reselling aid and fuel at inflated prices during the conflict.