Cash Shortage Squeezes Gaza Residents

Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
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Cash Shortage Squeezes Gaza Residents

Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)

Even when food is available, many in Gaza cannot afford to buy it, as the enclave suffers from a severe cash shortage. Israel has blocked the entry of new currency into the territory since October 7, 2023, leaving residents at the mercy of money changers who have hiked exchange rates on remittances to exorbitant levels.

Palestinians in Gaza primarily rely on the Israeli shekel for daily transactions, which used to enter the strip through banks operating under the Palestinian Monetary Authority, supplied by the Bank of Israel.

Banking operations in Gaza have ground to a halt since the start of the war, and no fresh banknotes have entered the enclave, worsening an already dire humanitarian situation. Residents say they have been left at the mercy of traders who exploit the cash shortage to impose arbitrary rules on currency use.

'The Traders’ Game'

Dubbed “the traders’ game” by many in Gaza, the practice began with merchants refusing to accept worn-out banknotes and certain coins, such as the 10-shekel piece (worth about $3), which have all but vanished from local markets. Some vendors now reject older versions of bills - like the brown-hued 100-shekel note (around $28) - insisting instead on the newer yellow ones. The same rules apply to various denominations.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Hani Jahjouh, a resident of al-Shati Camp west of Gaza City, said vendors selling vegetables and essential goods - when available - often refuse worn banknotes or specific coins, claiming they are counterfeit or easily faked.

“This just adds to the burden of people already crushed by impossible living conditions,” said Jahjouh, 59. “We don’t have solutions. We don’t even know where to get the money they’re asking for.”

Only a very small number of traders accept digital payments, and even then, residents say, they impose tough conditions - such as inflated prices or demands for partial payment in cash.

Displaced Gazan Duaa Ismail, originally from Beit Hanoun in the north of the enclave, says even when goods are available, she cannot afford them due to a lack of cash.

“We’re suffering badly from a shortage of money, and that makes it even harder to get basic items like flour and sugar - when they’re even in stock,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat from a shelter in Gaza City’s Sheikh Radwan neighborhood.

Ismail said that during a brief ceasefire, some traders had accepted digital payments through mobile apps. “But once the war resumed, things worsened, and they stopped taking them altogether,” she said.

Salaries They Can’t Spend

The crisis has also hit public-sector employees, private workers, and international aid staff, many of whom receive salaries through bank transfers or mobile wallets but have no way of accessing their funds with banks shuttered. They are forced to rely on currency dealers or traders with access to physical cash.

Amjad Hasballah, an employee with the Palestinian Authority, said he has been cashing his monthly salary through mobile banking apps for over a year and a half, paying a steep commission to money traders in return.

“When I received my last salary in early April, the commission had reached 30%,” he said.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Hasballah explained that at the start of the war, commissions hovered around 5%, but they spiked during Ramadan, peaking at 35% around Eid al-Fitr, before dipping slightly to 30%.

“My salary is just 2,800 shekels. When I pay a 30% fee, there’s barely anything left,” he said bitterly. “At this point, the traders might as well take the whole salary and just give us pocket money.”

Caught in a Trap

Jamal Al-Mashal, a father of six who lost two children in an Israeli airstrike, said he lives off 1,000 shekels (about $280) in monthly international aid. But even that amount is slashed by up to 30% when he exchanges it through local traders.

“People in Gaza have become a cash trap for currency dealers and big traders,” he said. “They’re exploiting our desperation, and it’s like a harvest season for them - raking in profits while we suffer.”

The poorest and most vulnerable are hit hardest. Many international agencies rely on electronic payment platforms to distribute aid to these groups, who often have no access to physical currency.

No Oversight, No Restraint

The Hamas-run government has made attempts to cap commission rates at 5%, but those efforts have largely failed. Officials blame ongoing Israeli targeting of personnel involved in regulating the process.

Money changers defend the high fees, arguing that the lack of currency entering Gaza leaves them with limited options.

“We raise commission rates because there’s simply no new cash coming in,” one trader told Asharq Al-Awsat. “Once money is distributed to the public, we have no way of getting it back. What goes out doesn’t return.”

He added that while ministries and law enforcement have tried to impose limits, traders view the rules as unfair. “There have been attempts to regulate us, but we haven’t complied - they’re asking too much from us under impossible conditions,” he said.

Some municipal leaders and community elders in Gaza have recently appealed to the Palestinian Monetary Authority in Ramallah to intervene in what they describe as unchecked profiteering by traders controlling access to scarce cash.

They have called for greater oversight, including monitoring and freezing the traders’ bank accounts.

The authority has repeatedly warned against exploitation of civilians and threatened to take action. But in practice, traders continue to charge hefty commissions on money transfers with little deterrence.

The Authority has urged residents to use its Instant Payment System available through mobile banking apps, which it says offers a practical alternative to cash, promotes digital payments, and enables real-time transactions.

Cash Squeeze Tightens Further

Despite the hardship, Israel is considering new measures that could further tighten the financial stranglehold on Gaza. One proposal involves withdrawing the 200-shekel banknote (worth about $55) from circulation, on the grounds that Hamas allegedly uses it to pay salaries to its fighters.

The suggestion was reportedly made by Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar to Bank of Israel Governor Amir Yaron, who rejected the move. Other proposals include voiding the serial numbers of banknotes believed to be inside Gaza, effectively rendering them worthless, a step that could deliver a significant financial blow to Hamas.

According to a report published Tuesday by the Israeli daily Maariv, the proposal has backing from several ministers and economists both within and outside the central bank.

The report estimated that around 10 billion shekels in high-denomination bills - 100 and 200 shekels - remain in circulation within Gaza. These notes entered the enclave over the years through official banking channels supplied by the Bank of Israel.

Economists told Maariv that Gaza residents receive an estimated 150 to 200 million shekels each month through digital transfers from aid organizations and the Palestinian Authority. That money is then converted into cash within markets dominated by Hamas and supported by a network of money changers.

Israeli security sources estimate that Hamas has accumulated up to five billion shekels since the war began and has spent nearly one billion shekels on salaries for fighters and new recruits. The sources claim Hamas has profited significantly by reselling aid and fuel at inflated prices during the conflict.



What Lies Ahead in Iraq: The Hard Task of Forming a Govt

Supporters of the incumbent Iraqi prime minister celebrate following the announcement of preliminary election results in Baghdad on November 12, 2025. (AFP)
Supporters of the incumbent Iraqi prime minister celebrate following the announcement of preliminary election results in Baghdad on November 12, 2025. (AFP)
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What Lies Ahead in Iraq: The Hard Task of Forming a Govt

Supporters of the incumbent Iraqi prime minister celebrate following the announcement of preliminary election results in Baghdad on November 12, 2025. (AFP)
Supporters of the incumbent Iraqi prime minister celebrate following the announcement of preliminary election results in Baghdad on November 12, 2025. (AFP)

Following Iraq's parliamentary election this week, the complex and often lengthy task of choosing the country's next leader is set to begin.

Incumbent Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani claimed victory for his coalition after preliminary results showed it was the largest bloc -- though it still falls short of the majority needed to form a government.

Sudani now faces the tough quest of securing support from other parties, mostly from the Shiite majority, in his bid for a second term.

With no single bloc dominating the next parliament, key parties could spend weeks or even months negotiating alliances to build the largest bloc and nominate the next premier.

Sudani was brought to power in 2022 by the Coordination Framework, an alliance of Shiite factions with varying links to Iran.

While preliminary vote counts for each list by province were released, seat allocations in parliament will not be announced until later.

By convention in Iraq, a Shiite holds the post of prime minister and a Sunni that of parliament speaker, while the largely ceremonial presidency goes to a Kurd.

How is the government formed?

Naming a premier and forming a government has often proven to be an arduous task involving protracted political wrangling.

In previous parliaments, Shiite majority parties have struck compromises to work together and form a government, and the main contenders often find themselves sidelined.

Seats are used as bargaining chips, and newly-elected lawmakers can switch sides.

With an outright majority almost impossible to achieve by any single list -- as was the case in this week's vote -- the next premier will be selected by whichever coalition can gather enough allies to become the biggest bloc.

Since voting began two years after the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein, only one premier, Nouri al-Maliki, has served for two terms (2006-2014).

What are the possible outcomes?

Currently, no serious candidates have emerged except for Sudani -- though he himself was a relative unknown prior to his nomination.

A senior politician told AFP last month that the Coordination Framework is divided over supporting Sudani, with Maliki seemingly poised to oppose a second term for the incumbent.

Long-term powerbrokers, including from the Coordination Framework, worry that Sudani has amassed too much power during his first term, making some reluctant to allow him to keep his seat.

Sudani has also faced allegations that members of his office were responsible for wiretapping the phones of politicians.

A source within a main party in the Coordination Framework told AFP that the alliance had previously agreed to reunite and create the largest bloc.

"They will name the next premier and participate in choosing the parliament speaker, his deputies and the president," the source said.

What happened after previous votes?

In the 2010 election, former premier Iyad Allawi's bloc won most seats, 91, closely followed by Maliki's alliance, which won 89.

After months of bickering, political leaders struck a deal and Maliki was reappointed for another term despite coming second in the ballot.

In 2021, influential Shiite cleric Moqtada Sadr's bloc emerged as the biggest winner, with 73 seats, but still fell far short of a majority.

His bloc withdrew from parliament following a dispute with other Shiite parties that culminated in deadly fighting in Baghdad.

In the aftermath, influential parties instead came together under the Coordination Framework to form a larger bloc and brought Sudani to power.

What role do Tehran and Washington play?

For decades, Iraq has been a proxy battleground between the US and Iran, and forming a government has always been influenced by the two foes.

The next premier will have to maintain the delicate balance between their interests.

Since the US-led invasion, Iran has not only wielded significant influence in Iraqi politics, but also backs armed groups in the country, whose power has grown both politically and financially.

As Iran's regional influence wanes, it aims to preserve its power in Iraq and keep the market open to products from its crippled economy.

Washington meanwhile wants to cripple Tehran's influence, pressuring Baghdad to disarm Iran-backed factions, many of which have been designated as terrorist groups.

Some of those groups will nonetheless have seats in the parliament and maybe the government.

Last week, Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein told the Al-Hadath channel that six pro-Iran factions are on a US blacklist -- a key factor the government must consider.


TV Soaps and Diplomacy as Bangladesh and Türkiye Grow Closer

The success of Turkish shows in Bangladesh, challenging the popularity of Indian television dramas, shows signs of shifting alliances. Syed Mahamudur RAHMAN / AFP
The success of Turkish shows in Bangladesh, challenging the popularity of Indian television dramas, shows signs of shifting alliances. Syed Mahamudur RAHMAN / AFP
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TV Soaps and Diplomacy as Bangladesh and Türkiye Grow Closer

The success of Turkish shows in Bangladesh, challenging the popularity of Indian television dramas, shows signs of shifting alliances. Syed Mahamudur RAHMAN / AFP
The success of Turkish shows in Bangladesh, challenging the popularity of Indian television dramas, shows signs of shifting alliances. Syed Mahamudur RAHMAN / AFP

In a recording studio in Dhaka, voiceover artist Rubaiya Matin Gity dubs the latest Turkish soap opera to become a megahit in Bangladesh -- a pop-culture trend that reflects growing ties between the two countries.

"Yasmeen! Yasmeen! I have fallen in love..." the 32-year-old actor cried in Bangla, her eyes fixed on the screen playing new episodes of Turkish drama "Kara Sevda", or "Endless Love", which has captivated millions of viewers in the South Asian nation.

The success of Turkish shows, challenging the once-unrivalled popularity of Indian television dramas, is the sign of a change that extends far beyond Bangladeshi screens, said AFP.

It mirrors shifting alliances and expanding diplomatic, trade and defense relations between the two Muslim-majority nations, 5,000 kilometers (3,000 miles) apart.

More Turkish restaurants are opening in Bangladesh and there is a general interest in learning the language, coupled with rekindled warmth between the two governments, set against increasingly fractious relations between Dhaka and New Delhi.

An interim government has led Bangladesh since an uprising last year toppled the autocratic rule of Sheikh Hasina -- who fled to old ally India, where she has resisted extradition, turning relations between the two neighbors icy.

Ties between Ankara and Dhaka have not always been smooth, but they "are growing stronger now," said Md Anwarul Azim, professor of international relations at the University of Dhaka.

"The relationship faltered twice," he said, first in 1971 when Bangladesh separated from Pakistan, and then in 2013, when Dhaka hanged men accused of war crimes during the independence struggle.

Bilateral trade remains modest, but Azim noted that Türkiye offers Bangladesh an alternative to its reliance on China as its main weapons supplier.

Ankara's defense industry boss Haluk Gorgun visited Dhaka in July, and Bangladesh's army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman is expected in Türkiye later this month to discuss production of military equipment.

Bangladesh has also shown interest in Turkish drones, technology Ankara has reportedly supplied to Pakistan, India's arch-enemy.

Dhaka's interim leader, Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus, said he was "focused on further deepening" ties with Ankara, after meeting a Turkish parliamentary delegation this month.

"Bangladesh stands ready to work hand in hand with Turkiye to unlock new opportunities for our people," Yunus said.

Alongside formal ties, cultural links are also deepening.

Ezaz Uddin Ahmed, 47, head of programming at the channel that pioneered Turkish dramas in Bangladesh, said that Deepto TV has "a dedicated team of translators, scriptwriters, voice artists and editors" working to meet the growing demand.

Its breakout hit came in 2017 with a historical epic that eclipsed Indian serials and "surpassed all others" in terms of popularity, Ahmed said.

Riding on that success, Deepto TV and other Bangladeshi broadcasters snapped up more Turkish imports -- from Ottoman sagas to contemporary family dramas.

Interest in the Turkish language has followed suit, with several leading institutions now offering courses.

"I have 20 students in a single batch," said Sheikh Abdul Kader, a trainer and economics lecturer at Jagannath University. "There is growing demand."

For some, the love for all things Turkish doesn't end there.

Business owner Tahiya Islam, 33, has launched a Turkish-themed clothing line, and inspired by Ottoman traditions, even took up horseback riding.

"During the Ottoman era, couples used to go out on horseback," she said. "Now, my husband rides too -- and I even have my own horse."


Tehran Taps Run Dry as Water Crisis Deepens Across Iran

People shop water storage tanks following a drought crisis in Tehran, Iran, November 10, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS
People shop water storage tanks following a drought crisis in Tehran, Iran, November 10, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS
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Tehran Taps Run Dry as Water Crisis Deepens Across Iran

People shop water storage tanks following a drought crisis in Tehran, Iran, November 10, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS
People shop water storage tanks following a drought crisis in Tehran, Iran, November 10, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS

Iran is grappling with its worst water crisis in decades, with officials warning that Tehran — a city of more than 10 million — may soon be uninhabitable if the drought gripping the country continues.

President Masoud Pezeshkian has cautioned that if rainfall does not arrive by December, the government must start rationing water in Tehran.

"Even if we do ration and it still does not rain, then we will have no water at all. They (citizens) have to evacuate Tehran," Pezeshkian said on November 6, AFP reported.

The stakes are high for Iran's clerical rulers. In 2021, water shortages sparked violent protests in the southern Khuzestan province. Sporadic protests also broke out in 2018, with farmers in particular accusing the government of water mismanagement.

WATER PRESSURE REDUCTIONS BEING APPLIED

The water crisis in Iran after a scorching hot summer is not solely the result of low rainfall.

Decades of mismanagement, including overbuilding of dams, illegal well drilling, and inefficient agricultural practices, have depleted reserves, dozens of critics and water experts have told state media in the past days as the crisis dominates the airwaves with panel discussions and debates.

Pezeshkian's government has blamed the crisis on various factors such as the "policies of past governments, climate change and over-consumption".

While there has been no sign of protests yet this time over the water crisis, Iranians are already struggling under the weight of a crippled economy, chiefly because of sanctions linked to the country’s disputed nuclear program.

Coping with persistent water shortages strains families and communities even further, intensifying the potential for unrest, when the clerical establishment is already facing international pressure over its nuclear ambitions. Iran denies seeking nuclear weapons.

Across Iran, from the capital’s high-rise apartments to cities and small towns, the water crisis is taking hold.

When the taps went dry in her eastern Tehran apartment last week, Mahnaz had no warning and no backup.

"It was around 10 p.m., and the water didn’t come back until 6 a.m.,” she said. With no pump or storage, she and her two children were forced to wait, brushing teeth and washing hands with bottled water.

Iran’s National Water and Wastewater Company has dismissed reports of formal rationing in Tehran, but confirmed that nightly water pressure reductions were being applied in Tehran and could drop to zero in some districts, state media reported.

Pezeshkian also warned against over-consumption in July. The water authorities said at the time 70% of Tehran residents consumed more than the standard 130 litres a day.

TEHRAN'S RESERVOIRS AT AROUND HALF CAPACITY

Iranians have endured recurrent electricity, gas and water shortages during peak demand months in the past years.

"It’s one hardship after another — one day there’s no water, the next there’s no electricity. We don’t even have enough money to live. This is because of poor management," said schoolteacher and mother of three Shahla, 41, by phone from central Tehran.

Last week, state media quoted Mohammadreza Kavianpour, head of Iran’s Water Research Institute, as saying that last year’s rainfall was 40% below the 57-year average in Iran and forecasts predict a continuation of dry conditions towards the end of December.

The capital depends entirely on five reservoirs fed from rivers outside the city. But inflow has plummeted. Behzad Parsa, head of Tehran’s Regional Water Company, said last week that water levels had fallen 43% from last year, leaving the Amir Kabir Dam at just 14 million cubic meters — 8% of capacity.

He said Tehran’s reservoirs, which collectively could once store nearly 500 million cubic meters, now hold barely 250 million, a drop of nearly half, which at current consumption rates, could run dry within two weeks.

The crisis extends far beyond Tehran. Nationwide, 19 major dams — roughly 10% of Iran’s total — have effectively run dry. In the city of Mashhad, Iran’s second-largest city, with a population of 4 million, water reserves have plunged below 3%.

"The pressure is so low that literally we do not have water during the day. I have installed water tanks but how long we can continue like this? It is completely because of the mismanagement," said Reza, 53, in Mashhad. He said it was also affecting his business of carpet cleaning.

Like the others Reuters spoke to, he declined to give his family name.

CLIMATE CHANGE INTENSIFIED WATER LOSS

The crisis follows record-breaking temperatures and rolling power outages. In July and August, the government declared emergency public holidays to reduce water and energy consumption, shutting down some public buildings and banks as temperatures topped 50 degrees Celsius (122 degrees Fahrenheit) in some areas.

Climate change has intensified the problem, authorities say, with rising temperatures accelerating evaporation and groundwater loss.

Some newspapers have criticized the government’s environmental policies, citing the appointment of unqualified managers and the politicization of resource management. The government has rejected the claims.

Calls for divine intervention have also resurfaced.

"In the past, people would go out to the desert to pray for rain,” said Mehdi Chamran, head of Tehran’s City Council, state media reported. "Perhaps we should not neglect that tradition."

Authorities are taking temporary measures to conserve what remains, including decreasing the water pressure in some areas and transferring water to Tehran from other reservoirs.

But these are stopgap measures, and the public has been urged to install storage tanks, pumps, and other devices to avoid major disruption.

"Too little, too late. They only promise but we see no action," said a university teacher in the city of Isfahan, who asked not to be named. "Most of these ideas are not doable."