ISIS Claims Algeria Border Attack

This undated hand out picture released by Norway's energy group Statoil on January 17, 2013 shows vehicles parked at the In Amenas gas field, jointly operated by British oil giant BP, Norway's Statoil and state-run Algerian energy firm Sonatrach, in eastern Algeria near the Libyan border. AFP Photo / Statoil / Kjeitil Alsvik
This undated hand out picture released by Norway's energy group Statoil on January 17, 2013 shows vehicles parked at the In Amenas gas field, jointly operated by British oil giant BP, Norway's Statoil and state-run Algerian energy firm Sonatrach, in eastern Algeria near the Libyan border. AFP Photo / Statoil / Kjeitil Alsvik
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ISIS Claims Algeria Border Attack

This undated hand out picture released by Norway's energy group Statoil on January 17, 2013 shows vehicles parked at the In Amenas gas field, jointly operated by British oil giant BP, Norway's Statoil and state-run Algerian energy firm Sonatrach, in eastern Algeria near the Libyan border. AFP Photo / Statoil / Kjeitil Alsvik
This undated hand out picture released by Norway's energy group Statoil on January 17, 2013 shows vehicles parked at the In Amenas gas field, jointly operated by British oil giant BP, Norway's Statoil and state-run Algerian energy firm Sonatrach, in eastern Algeria near the Libyan border. AFP Photo / Statoil / Kjeitil Alsvik

The ISIS terrorist group said on Tuesday that it was behind Sunday’s attack on an Algerian military barracks near the country’s border with Mali that killed one soldier.

The militant group sent the bomber in a vehicle rigged with explosives, but a sentry stopped him before he could enter the compound and the blast killed both men, according to a Defense Ministry statement. The group’s Algerian leader is a 47-year-old militant known as Abu Walid el-Sahrawi.

“The martyred brother Omar al-Ansari ... entered the base and exploded his car against them,” the group said in a statement.

Algeria, in common with other countries in the Sahel and Sahara regions, is growing increasingly concerned about the risk of militant groups taking advantage of the escalating conflict in Libya and chaos in Mali to expand their presence.

In Mali, the government has said it is ready to talk with militant groups in the hope of ending an insurgency that has made swathes of the country ungovernable and stoked ethnic violence.

In Libya, chaos in parts of the country since the 2011 revolution has created space for ISIS, which launched a cross-border attack against a Tunisian town in 2016, but which is now mostly active in Libya’s south.

“We need to focus on both Libya and Mali,” a former Algerian counter-terrorism officer told Reuters. “This attack could be a preparation for what might come if we don’t contain the threats.”

Algiers has been discussing how to stem the rising militant threat in the Sahel with Mali in recent days, and has offered it some humanitarian assistance. It shares more than 1,500km of mostly remote, desert border with Mali and Libya.

Sunday’s attack was the first in Algeria for several years. In 2013, a militant group linked to al Qaeda staged an attack on the Tiguentourine gas processing facility in southern Algeria that killed dozens of people, including foreigners.

That was the deadliest spasm of militant violence in Algeria since a 1990s civil war between radical groups and the state in which more than 200,000 people died.

Algeria is already wrestling with a major political crisis after a year of mass protests that helped oust the veteran president and have continued, with demonstrators now demanding the ruling elite be fully replaced.

The country also faces economic problems, with declining energy sales contributing to a fall in state revenue and planned cuts in public spending this year.



Will Regional Tensions Stall Palestinian Arms Handover in Lebanon?

A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
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Will Regional Tensions Stall Palestinian Arms Handover in Lebanon?

A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 

The escalation of the Israeli-Iranian conflict has disrupted Lebanon’s internal agenda, pausing progress on several sensitive files, including the handover of Palestinian weapons inside refugee camps. The disarmament initiative, which was scheduled to begin this week in Beirut’s camps, has now been delayed amid shifting regional dynamics.

According to official Lebanese sources, Palestinian factions have not yet received any instructions - either from Ramallah or Lebanese security agencies - regarding weapons collection. While this has halted implementation, sources say the file is still active. “The factions requested a grace period before the process begins in Beirut’s camps,” the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat, adding that the plan will instead start in the South.

The phased disarmament will begin in the southern camps under the jurisdiction of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, starting with Al-Buss camp near Tyre, followed by Rashidieh and Al-Burj Al-Shamali. No fixed timeline has been set, and implementation will proceed gradually.

A senior Fatah official, Azzam al-Ahmad, is expected to return to Beirut soon at the head of a security delegation to continue discussions on the framework and logistics of the disarmament plan. Al-Ahmad had visited Lebanon prior to Eid al-Adha to mediate internal Fatah disagreements and met with senior Lebanese security officials during his stay.

Palestinian analyst Hesham Debsi, director of the Tatwir Center for Studies, says the disarmament file has not been shelved. “This is not just a local issue; it’s closely tied to regional developments and international negotiations, particularly the US-Iran nuclear talks,” Debsi said.

He noted that the broader Israeli-Iranian confrontation has forced stakeholders to reconsider the timing of major initiatives, including the Arab-French-international conference previously planned to support the Palestinian state and Lebanese sovereignty.

Debsi emphasized that delays do not signal a reversal in political commitment. A joint statement in May between Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun affirmed both parties’ agreement on limiting weapons to the Lebanese state and preventing camps from becoming safe havens for extremist groups.

While preparations are advancing, actual implementation will depend on Lebanon’s political assessment of the right moment to proceed.

Reports of internal dissent within Fatah over the arms file were acknowledged by Debsi but dismissed as resolved. “Some members objected for political or organizational reasons, including feelings of exclusion. Others viewed the decision as hasty,” he said. These concerns, he added, were addressed by the delegation from Ramallah, which also introduced structural reforms in the PLO, the Palestinian embassy, and Fatah’s leadership in Lebanon.

Palestinian armed presence in Lebanon is concentrated across 12 major camps, largely outside state control. Fatah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine dominate these areas. Historically active pro-Syrian factions outside the camps, such as the PFLP-General Command and As-Saiqa, have largely lost their influence, with the Lebanese Army dismantling their remaining bases.