Memoirs of Abdulaziz Khoja: I Had Warm Relations With Nasrallah That Ended After 3 Assassination Attempts – Part 2

Saudi Arabia’s Minister of Culture and Information Abdulaziz Khoja visits the Riyadh International Book Fair, March 6, 2012. (Reuters/Fahad Shadeed)
Saudi Arabia’s Minister of Culture and Information Abdulaziz Khoja visits the Riyadh International Book Fair, March 6, 2012. (Reuters/Fahad Shadeed)
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Memoirs of Abdulaziz Khoja: I Had Warm Relations With Nasrallah That Ended After 3 Assassination Attempts – Part 2

Saudi Arabia’s Minister of Culture and Information Abdulaziz Khoja visits the Riyadh International Book Fair, March 6, 2012. (Reuters/Fahad Shadeed)
Saudi Arabia’s Minister of Culture and Information Abdulaziz Khoja visits the Riyadh International Book Fair, March 6, 2012. (Reuters/Fahad Shadeed)

In the second part of an article dedicated to the memoirs of Former Saudi minister, Ambassador Abdulaziz Khoja, Asharq Al-Awsat has chosen excerpts of his book, in which he shed light on an important stage of his diplomatic career, when he assumed the position of Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to Beirut - a period that saw the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005.

The book, published by Jadawel publishing, translation, and distribution house in Beirut, unveils secrets of Ambassador Khoja’s diplomatic work and his description of some of the most prominent political leaders whom he met throughout his journey.

The Saudi Embassy in Beirut

Khoja reveals episodes of the many meetings he had held at the time with Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah in the southern suburbs of Beirut.

Before touching on the assassination and its repercussions, Khoja depicts the rise of Rafik Hariri in the aftermath of the Lebanese war, and says that the latter "had a special and intimate relationship with the leaders of Saudi Arabia.”

“On the other hand, he did not have a good relationship with Syria during the era of Bashar al-Assad, despite his efforts to bridge the rift and to reform Syria’s relations with France and America under Hafez al-Assad. At the time, Rafik Hariri was considered Syria’s foreign minister,” the book recounts, as unofficially translated into English by Asharq Al-Awsat.

He notes that the Syrian regime was trying to impose its full hegemony over Lebanon. “The [regime’s] representative, Ghazi Kanaan, and after him Rustom Ghazaleh, resembled the High Commissioner in colonial times, giving orders, threatening and executing…”

Lebanon was going through a very transformative period in the 1990s, Khoja says, adding that the influence of Hezbollah was increasing, as Nasrallah began to “startlingly gain attention in his fiery Arabism speeches, which had an attractive effect on the listeners.”

“People were mesmerized by him, especially after the success of the resistance in ousting the Israelis from southern Lebanon in 2000, except for the Shebaa Farms,” according to the book.

The Saudi ambassador points to Hezbollah’s “obvious alliance” with Syria, “the main passage for money and arms coming from its ally and first sponsor, Iran.”

He also says that Nasrallah clearly embraced the doctrine of Wilayat al-Faqih: He was completely subservient to the rule in Tehran, and thus deviated from the doctrine of the rest of the Lebanese Shiites, and from Mr. Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah, one of the most prominent Shiite scholars.

Nasrallah also disagreed with his friend and foe - head of Amal Movement Nabih Berri, who had preceded him in the leadership of the Shiites.

According to the book, Amal and Hezbollah clashed in bloody military conflicts over political and sectarian interests, but they agreed on the alliance with Syria.

Khoja quoted in his book Nasrallah as saying about Berri: “I cannot do without him, but I cannot forget that during the Civil War he sent me a truck packed with the bodies of my men.”

The Saudi ambassador also talks about Rafik Hariri’s effort to revive Lebanon after the devastating war, pointing out that the dispute between the Sunni leader and Hezbollah began “at the behest of the Syrian leadership, which sought to support a parliamentary bloc led by (Hezbollah) that opposed Hariri’s Arab and international relations and obstructed reconstruction plans.”

Khoja stresses that he sought to establish good ties with all the Lebanese parties during his work as an ambassador, from 2004 until 2009.

“My relationship was warm with Nasrallah, and I felt at the beginning that he was a charismatic person with an attractive personality, who enjoyed a broad knowledge of the course of things, and a sense of humor. My meetings with him were frequent, and they continued for long periods,” he recounts.

“But after the assassination of Prime Minister Hariri, the July war and the events of May [2008] in particular, we discovered that the party was not an ally of Iran in Lebanon, but rather Iran itself, and perhaps the worst thing about Iran, because it was entrusted with controlling Lebanon and controlling its will and its people,” he underlines.

The former ambassador speaks of three assassination attempts targeting him in Lebanon, “which was the end of the direct relationship with Nasrallah.”

Khoja describes Berri as “an intelligent and skilled diplomat,” highlighting a theory that the Saudi-Syrian rapprochement was the only gateway to stability in the region.

He refers to the events that accompanied the renewal of Emile Lahoud’s presidential term with direct Syrian pressure, something that Rafik Hariri was categorically against until his last meeting with Bashar al-Assad.

About this meeting, Khoja says: “It did not last more than 15 minutes…” during which Assad informed Hariri “very clearly about his desire to extend Lahoud’s term.”

“If you refuse, I will burn Lebanon,” the Syrian president said, adding that this has prompted Rafik Hariri to declare his approval of the extension in the Lebanese parliament, but Walid Jumblatt stuck to his refusal.

The ambassador says that Lahoud sought to “oppress” Hariri after the latter left the government in 2004 (when Omar Karami took over).

“The atmosphere was disturbing, so we advised him not to stay in the country, but he did not imagine that Syria would kill him, nor that Hassan Nasrallah would participate in that,” Khoja recounts.

He continues: “We received information from multiple sources – from the US, France, Britain, and Saudi Arabia, regarding the existence of plans for the assassination of Rafik Hariri. But he did not listen to our advice. Instead, he said his famous quote: ‘the nation is not a hotel,’ and he remained within Parliament’s opposition.

“Our kings used to fully trust him. Prince Khalid bin Saud, the assistant foreign minister, visited us, and we went together to visit Hariri... We found him worried, sad, and frustrated.

"After we left, the prince asked me if I noticed that, and I said yes... A week later, on February 14, Valentine's Day, Rafik Hariri was assassinated at the entrance of Saint George, near the Phoenicia Hotel, by a massive car bomb, in which a ton of explosives was used…,” Khoja remembers.

The Saudi ambassador also talks about the repercussions of the 2006 war between Hezbollah and Israel, and the efforts made by Saudi Arabia to reconstruct what was destroyed by the Israeli bombing.

He points to the Kingdom’s position on the behavior of Hezbollah that led to the outbreak of war (the kidnapping of soldiers on the borders), which raised the party’s displeasure.

He refers to the “difference” between Hafez al-Assad and his son Bashar, saying that the first stayed in the Arab camp, and benefited from his relationship with Iran, while the son “got involved with Iran, lost Syria’s Arab allies, and angered the West.”

As for his meetings with Michel Aoun, before the latter became president, Khoja recounts: “He was either tense or absent-minded during the meetings… as he thought that I was an obstacle to his presidency and he did not understand that I represent a semi-Arab and international consensus.”

On Saad Hariri, the Saudi ambassador says: “My best friend... he is pure and loyal.”

The Saudi Ministry of Culture and Information

On February 14, 2009, the late King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz appointed Khoja as Minister of Culture and Information, and he was concluding his mission at the embassy in Beirut.

In this chapter, he talks about his efforts to improve the performance of the Saudi media, assist the sector’s professionals and address challenges that social media represented.

On King Salman, Khoja says: “He is a firm and wise manager, who believes that the shortest path between two points is the straight line, and achievement is his most important administrative standard. He does not like dodgy politics, nor dishonest or weak characters.”

“He always surrounded me with care, advice, and guidance at all stages of my career,” he underlines.

Khoja also notes that Prince Mohammad bin Salman is a “very practical man, who has the faculties of leadership, and has taken many of the qualities of his great father.”



Syrians in Libya Struggle to Escape ‘Exile in Limbo’

A photo shows young Syrian men who drowned after their boat capsized off the coast of Libya. Credit: Rights activist Tarek Lamloum
A photo shows young Syrian men who drowned after their boat capsized off the coast of Libya. Credit: Rights activist Tarek Lamloum
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Syrians in Libya Struggle to Escape ‘Exile in Limbo’

A photo shows young Syrian men who drowned after their boat capsized off the coast of Libya. Credit: Rights activist Tarek Lamloum
A photo shows young Syrian men who drowned after their boat capsized off the coast of Libya. Credit: Rights activist Tarek Lamloum

About seven months ago, a group of 25 Syrian youths, including minors, set off from Libya on an irregular migration journey toward Europe. Only four made it back alive. The rest drowned in the Mediterranean.

The tragedy, which left a deep mark on Syrian communities both in Libya and abroad, has drawn renewed attention to the large and diverse Syrian population now living in the North African country, some fleeing the war in Syria under former President Bashar al-Assad, others settled there long before.

Syria’s presence in Libya is far from monolithic. It spans businessmen, migrant laborers, families who settled during the rule of Muammar Gaddafi, and former fighters now working as mercenaries. Many also see Libya as a temporary stop on the perilous path to Europe.

For most, Libya is not the destination but a gateway. The recent drowning of 21 Syrians in the Mediterranean was not an isolated tragedy, but part of a pattern of loss that has haunted the community for years.

Reports from local and international migration watchdogs have documented repeated drownings and arrests of Syrians at sea, with many captured by Libya’s coastguard and detained in overcrowded jails.

Despite the risks, many Syrians have managed to adapt to life in Libya, integrating into local communities and participating in its economy.

Yet numerous challenges persist, particularly for undocumented workers and those living without valid residency papers. Many report facing discrimination, abuse, and difficult working conditions.

As thousands of Syrian refugees across the Middle East prepare to return home amid improving conditions and relaxed restrictions, Syrians in Libya remain stuck, unable to stay, and unable to leave.

“We’re caught in the middle,” said one Syrian resident in Tripoli. “We can’t endure much longer, but we also can’t afford to go back.”

Many Syrians in Libya say they are increasingly vulnerable to exploitation, including passport confiscation and harassment by armed groups and criminal gangs operating with impunity.

Several Syrian residents told Asharq Al-Awsat they are facing rising unemployment, frequent kidnappings, and demands for ransom by militias. For those who now wish to return to Syria, doing so has become financially prohibitive due to hefty fines for visa violations.

Steep Penalties for Overstaying

Under a revised Libyan immigration law enacted on March 14, 2024, foreigners who overstay their visas or residency permits are charged 500 Libyan dinars - around $90 - per month. The regulation adds a significant burden for many Syrians whose legal documents have expired and who lack the resources to renew them or pay the fines required to exit the country legally.

Due to the political division in Libya since 2014, no official statistics exist on the number of foreign residents. However, the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) reported in 2020 that approximately 14,500 Syrian refugees and asylum seekers were living in Libya.

Ten years after arriving in Libya, Ahmed Kamal Al-Fakhouri says he is now trapped, unable to afford life in the country or the high costs of leaving it.

“They’ve imposed fines on us that are beyond reason - nearly $1,500 per person,” said Fakhouri, a restaurant worker in Tripoli, echoing a growing outcry among Syrians in Libya burdened by mounting penalties and legal uncertainties. “Sometimes, I can’t even afford a day’s meal.”

Fakhouri fled Derna after the deadly floods of August 2023 and resettled in Tripoli.

“I saw death with my own eyes,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat, describing the trauma of losing his home. “Now we’re living in misery. We want the world to hear our voice - we want to go back to our country.”

Libya hosts thousands of Syrians, including doctors, engineers, university students, and day laborers who fill the country’s markets in search of work to support their families.

Yet many say they now find themselves stuck, facing visa penalties they can’t afford and no clear path home - even as the fall of Assad’s regime renews hopes for return.

“Exit Tax” Burdens Families

While Libya’s labor ministries have issued no formal statement on the matter, members of the Syrian community say they are being charged an "exit tax" calculated based on their overstay period. No official decree has been published, but testimonies suggest the fees are acting as a de facto barrier to departure.

Following Assad’s ouster, many Syrians are reconsidering return, describing exile as a “prison,” but are deterred by the financial burden of settling overstays.

Asharq Al-Awsat reached out to both of Libya’s rival labor ministries to clarify policies affecting Syrians and the reported fines for expired documents, but received no response.

Zekeriya Saadi, another Syrian living in Tripoli, has publicly called on authorities in both eastern and western Libya to cancel the exit tax and allow those wishing to return to Syria to do so.

“In these unbearable conditions, it’s unreasonable to ask refugees to pay such high fees just to leave the country,” he said. “This tax is a major obstacle, it exceeds our capacity, especially given our financial hardships.”

Saadi said most Syrians in Libya are low-income families without stable jobs. “Many are at risk of eviction, kidnapping, or exploitation. Leaving has become a matter of survival,” he said. “How can a displaced person be treated like a tourist or a wealthy expat?”

He urged Syria’s Foreign Ministry to take a clear stance and negotiate with Libyan authorities for fee exemptions and coordinated return efforts, while also working to protect Syrians who remain in the country.

Passport Problems Bar Education

Beyond financial barriers, expired passports are also stranding Syrians in legal limbo. Many have lost access to services, and the issue is now affecting the next generation.

According to Syrian media reports, education officials in Misrata barred at least 100 Syrian children from enrolling in public schools because their parents’ passports had expired, highlighting how bureaucratic obstacles are deepening the crisis for displaced families.