Algerian Streets Empty but Protesters Vow to 'Keep Flame Burning'

Algerians called off street protests for first time in more than a year. (AFP)
Algerians called off street protests for first time in more than a year. (AFP)
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Algerian Streets Empty but Protesters Vow to 'Keep Flame Burning'

Algerians called off street protests for first time in more than a year. (AFP)
Algerians called off street protests for first time in more than a year. (AFP)

The coronavirus pandemic has done what the Algerian regime had failed to achieve for more than a year -- clear the streets of massive anti-government protests.

Now the "Hirak" citizens movement -- which brought down geriatric president Abdelaziz Bouteflika last April -- has vowed to adapt and reinvent its struggle for full civil rights and democracy.

"We will be back stronger than before," vowed independent journalist Khaled Drareni, who has been arrested several times for covering the demonstrations, on Twitter.

"This is an opportunity to go beyond the marches."

In a flurry of ideas being floated on the internet, activists have proposed a "virtual" Hirak on the web, or mass demonstrations held on balconies, reported AFP.

"Many proposals are being circulated on this subject -- staying completely off the streets on Fridays, a (pot-banging) casserole protest, intensifying social media communications ... all while keeping hope of resuming protest marches as soon as possible," said political scientist Mohamed Hennad.

"It is crucial that the flame of Hirak keeps on burning."

For now, a major focus has been to harness the mass movement to help combat the pandemic threat and plug the gaps of the public health care system.

The North African country by Monday had 201 confirmed infections and reported 17 deaths. Many medical professionals fear the already strained hospitals will soon be overwhelmed.

Hirak's role should be one of "solidarity and, if need be, national mobilization against corona," said Said Salhi of the Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights.

"We can set up solidarity, relief, aid, education groups," he wrote.

‘Health the top priority’

The Hirak movement erupted on February 22 last year and scored a spectacular success when, within weeks, it forced the ouster of Bouteflika, now aged 83.

Bouteflika had announced plans to run for a fifth term after 20 years in power, despite being debilitated by a 2013 stroke.

The emboldened demonstrators stayed on the streets, demanded the dismantling of the wider power structure Bouteflika had built, which they decried as a self-serving and corrupt state.

A December election that installed one-time Bouteflika premier Abdelmadjid Tebboune in the presidency was marred by more protests and very low turnout of around 40 percent, according to official data.

Since then the Friday rallies of the non-violent and leaderless Hirak movement continued -- until last week.

As the virus has swept the world, the government banned demonstrations last Tuesday. But the protesters didn't need to be told and independently suspended rallies on public health grounds.

An initial claim made the rounds on social media that the virus was a regime plot to end Hirak -- but this was soon dismissed by most protesters.

"Requesting a suspension of Hirak is not treason", wrote journalist Akram Belkaid in the Quotidien d'Oran daily newspaper. "It is to recognize that in life, there are priorities -- the first being people's health."

‘Anger will come back’

The decision by the protesters to suspend their rallies "revealed a maturity and political consciousness," said Louisa Dris-Ait Hamadouche, a political scientist at the University of Algiers.

"This self-accountability signifies that Hirak is a citizen movement engaged in a process of building a new order, rather than just tackling the old order."

President Tebboune, meanwhile, faces huge political risk in the event of a botched response to the outbreak, said Jean-Pierre Filiu, a historian at the Sciences Po university in Paris.

"Tebboune draws for now an unprecedented prestige as a head of state acting to forestall the crisis," said Filiu.

But "he risks paying very dearly for possible failures in the public response to the pandemic -- failures which, as soon as they come, could rejuvenate the protest movement."

Yamina Rahou, a researcher at Oran's Centre of Research and Social Anthropology, agreed that "the coronavirus will not kill Hirak but will lay bare the problems in our country's health sector".

The protest movement, she said, "lacks neither ingenuity nor intelligence. They will find other forms of expressing themselves and carry out other actions".

Belkaid, the journalist, wrote that as the coronavirus has temporarily ended the protests, "the regime rubs its hands like an undertaker anticipating a rise in business.

"But it alone is counting on the end of Hirak. What it does not know is that anger will come back and it will be much stronger."



Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
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Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP

By casting doubt on the world order, Donald Trump risks dragging the globe back into an era where great powers impose their imperial will on the weak, analysts warn.
Russia wants Ukraine, China demands Taiwan and now the US president seems to be following suit, whether by coveting Canada as the "51st US state", insisting "we've got to have" Greenland or kicking Chinese interests out of the Panama Canal.
Where the United States once defended state sovereignty and international law, Trump's disregard for his neighbors' borders and expansionist ambitions mark a return to the days when the world was carved up into spheres of influence.
As recently as Wednesday, US defense secretary Pete Hegseth floated the idea of an American military base to secure the Panama Canal, a strategic waterway controlled by the United States until 1999 which Trump's administration has vowed to "take back".
Hegseth's comments came nearly 35 years after the United States invaded to topple Panama's dictator Manuel Noriega, harking back to when successive US administrations viewed Latin America as "America's backyard".
"The Trump 2.0 administration is largely accepting the familiar great power claim to 'spheres of influence'," Professor Gregory O. Hall, of the University of Kentucky, told AFP.
Indian diplomat Jawed Ashraf warned that by "speaking openly about Greenland, Canada, Panama Canal", "the new administration may have accelerated the slide" towards a return to great power domination.
The empire strikes back
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has posed as the custodian of an international order "based on the ideas of countries' equal sovereignty and territorial integrity", said American researcher Jeffrey Mankoff, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
But those principles run counter to how Russia and China see their own interests, according to the author of "Empires of Eurasia: how imperial legacies shape international security".
Both countries are "themselves products of empires and continue to function in many ways like empires", seeking to throw their weight around for reasons of prestige, power or protection, Mankoff said.
That is not to say that spheres of influence disappeared with the fall of the Soviet Union.
"Even then, the US and Western allies sought to expand their sphere of influence eastward into what was the erstwhile Soviet and then the Russian sphere of influence," Ashraf, a former adviser to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, pointed out.
But until the return of Trump, the United States exploited its position as the "policeman of the world" to ward off imperial ambitions while pushing its own interests.
Now that Trump appears to view the cost of upholding a rules-based order challenged by its rivals and increasingly criticized in the rest of the world as too expensive, the United States is contributing to the cracks in the facade with Russia and China's help.
And as the international order weakens, the great powers "see opportunities to once again behave in an imperial way", said Mankoff.
Yalta yet again
As at Yalta in 1945, when the United States and the Soviet Union divided the post-World War II world between their respective zones of influence, Washington, Beijing and Moscow could again agree to carve up the globe anew.
"Improved ties between the United States and its great-power rivals, Russia and China, appear to be imminent," Derek Grossman, of the United States' RAND Corporation think tank, said in March.
But the haggling over who gets dominance over what and where would likely come at the expense of other countries.
"Today's major powers are seeking to negotiate a new global order primarily with each other," Monica Toft, professor of international relations at Tufts University in Massachusets wrote in the journal Foreign Affairs.
"In a scenario in which the United States, China, and Russia all agree that they have a vital interest in avoiding a nuclear war, acknowledging each other's spheres of influence can serve as a mechanism to deter escalation," Toft said.
If that were the case, "negotiations to end the war in Ukraine could resemble a new Yalta", she added.
Yet the thought of a Ukraine deemed by Trump to be in Russia's sphere is likely to send shivers down the spines of many in Europe -- not least in Ukraine itself.
"The success or failure of Ukraine to defend its sovereignty is going to have a lot of impact in terms of what the global system ends up looking like a generation from now," Mankoff said.
"So it's important for countries that have the ability and want to uphold an anti-imperial version of international order to assist Ukraine," he added -- pointing the finger at Europe.
"In Trump's world, Europeans need their own sphere of influence," said Rym Momtaz, a researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for Peace.
"For former imperial powers, Europeans seem strangely on the backfoot as nineteenth century spheres of influence come back as the organising principle of global affairs."