Concerns in Damascus after Limits on Bread Distribution

A Syrian man, wearing a protective face mask and gloves to protect against the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, waits for customers at his bakery in the Qaymariyya quarter of the Old City of the capital Damascus on April 14, 2020. (Photo by LOUAI BESHARA / AFP)
A Syrian man, wearing a protective face mask and gloves to protect against the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, waits for customers at his bakery in the Qaymariyya quarter of the Old City of the capital Damascus on April 14, 2020. (Photo by LOUAI BESHARA / AFP)
TT
20

Concerns in Damascus after Limits on Bread Distribution

A Syrian man, wearing a protective face mask and gloves to protect against the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, waits for customers at his bakery in the Qaymariyya quarter of the Old City of the capital Damascus on April 14, 2020. (Photo by LOUAI BESHARA / AFP)
A Syrian man, wearing a protective face mask and gloves to protect against the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, waits for customers at his bakery in the Qaymariyya quarter of the Old City of the capital Damascus on April 14, 2020. (Photo by LOUAI BESHARA / AFP)

Despite rising poverty in areas under the control of the Syrian government and the coronavirus pandemic, the regime has insisted on delivering subsidized bread using a “smart card.”

Citizens considered this decision an act of treason because it crosses the “red lines” that the ruling Baath Party itself had put, at a time when experts consider the move a first step toward removing the subsidy on bread similar to other commodities.

After people queued outside bakeries in Damascus at the start of the war, the phenomenon is back and is getting worse as the government takes precautionary measures to contain the spread of the virus. This was accompanied by bakeries announcing that they would no longer operate during unusual hours, an indication of a shortage in flour supplies from the government.

A rejection and calls

These government hints were met with rejection on social media platforms and included calls for President Bashar Assad to intervene and halt the new move after the failed and bitter experience of acquiring gas, fuel and other main food supplies such as sugar, rice, vegetable oil and tea using the “smart card”.

Although the regime had announced that each family is entitled to one gas tank every 23 days, many families confirm that they have not received one for 75 days. Many household providers spend an entire day in front of government institutions to receive sugar, rice, vegetable oil and tea, and may not even get them the same day. If they do, they may not receive all of them.

Treason

Loay is a citizen who like many others was following what Internal Trade and Consumer Protection Minister Atef Naddaf was going to say. He told Asharq Al-Awsat, “Aren't a war, inflation, poverty and the coronavirus enough? The government has betrayed the people and has started to fight them with a loaf of bread, a primary and indispensable material”.

A margin for manipulation

Noteworthy in al-Naddaf’s speech is his announcement that “each commissioner is entitled to 10% of the amount to deliver to families and people who do not own a “smart card” after his name and national number are registered”! This could allow agents to largely manipulate what happens to this amount.

Without mentioning how many of them are available, al-Naddaf talked about “increasing the number of electronic car readers in bakeries,” amid information that Damascus would need 1,000 devices while only 100 are available. This will lead to large crowds in front of areas that do have the card reader, knowing that each device costs more than 450,000 Syrian pounds.

Prices higher than the rest of the world

An economic expert who spoke with Asharq Al-Awsat and preferred to remain anonymous, indicated that “there is a chance that the decision could be preparatory to ending the subsidy on bread altogether.”

He pointed out that “similar scenarios had happened with other subsidized commodities such as gas, oil and fuel, where they were rationed and then their prices spiked to become higher than in the international market. A kilogram of sugar in the international markets is less than 20 US cents, equivalent to 220 Syrian pounds, whereas in Syria it currently costs 600 pounds!”

Before 2011, Syria used to produce millions of tons of wheat every year and could export 1.5 million tons. An international report estimated that the production of wheat last year was only around 1.2 million tons, the lowest number in 29 years, while some sources indicate that it had only received 500,000 tons and that production may drop even further in 2020.



Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict


Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
TT
20

Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict


Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)

While world conflicts dominate headlines, Sudan’s deepening catastrophe is unfolding largely out of sight; a brutal war that has killed tens of thousands, displaced millions, and flattened entire cities and regions.

More than a year into the conflict, some observers question whether the international community has grown weary of Sudan’s seemingly endless cycles of violence. The country has endured nearly seven decades of civil war, and what is happening now is not an exception, but the latest chapter in a bloody history of rebellion and collapse.

The first of Sudan’s modern wars began even before the country gained independence from Britain. In 1955, army officer Joseph Lagu led the southern “Anyanya” rebellion, named after a venomous snake, launching a guerrilla war that would last until 1972.

A peace agreement brokered by the World Council of Churches and Ethiopia’s late Emperor Haile Selassie ended that conflict with the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord.

But peace proved short-lived. In 1983, then-president Jaafar Nimeiry reignited tensions by announcing the imposition of Islamic Sharia law, known as the “September Laws.” The move prompted the rise of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), led by John Garang, and a renewed southern insurgency that raged for more than two decades, outliving Nimeiry’s regime.

Under Omar al-Bashir, who seized power in a 1989 military coup, the war took on an Islamist tone. His government declared “jihad” and mobilized civilians in support of the fight, but failed to secure a decisive victory.

The conflict eventually gave way to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, better known as the Naivasha Agreement, which was brokered in Kenya and granted South Sudan the right to self-determination.

In 2011, more than 95% of South Sudanese voted to break away from Sudan, giving birth to the world’s newest country, the Republic of South Sudan. The secession marked the culmination of decades of war, which began with demands for a federal system and ended in full-scale conflict. The cost: over 2 million lives lost, and a once-unified nation split in two.

But even before South Sudan’s independence became reality, another brutal conflict had erupted in Sudan’s western Darfur region in 2003. Armed rebel groups from the region took up arms against the central government, accusing it of marginalization and neglect. What followed was a ferocious counterinsurgency campaign that drew global condemnation and triggered a major humanitarian crisis.

As violence escalated, the United Nations deployed one of its largest-ever peacekeeping missions, the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), in a bid to stem the bloodshed.

Despite multiple peace deals, including the Juba Agreement signed in October 2020 following the ousting of long-time Islamist ruler, Bashir, fighting never truly ceased.

The Darfur war alone left more than 300,000 people dead and millions displaced. The International Criminal Court charged Bashir and several top officials, including Ahmed Haroun and Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, with war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Alongside the southern conflict, yet another war erupted in 2011, this time in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan and the Blue Nile region. The fighting was led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, head of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North (SPLM–N), a group composed largely of northern fighters who had sided with the South during the earlier civil war under John Garang.

The conflict broke out following contested elections marred by allegations of fraud, and Khartoum’s refusal to implement key provisions of the 2005 Naivasha Agreement, particularly those related to “popular consultations” in the two regions. More than a decade later, war still grips both areas, with no lasting resolution in sight.

Then came April 15, 2023. A fresh war exploded, this time in the heart of the capital, Khartoum, pitting the Sudanese Armed Forces against the powerful paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Now entering its third year, the conflict shows no signs of abating.

According to international reports, the war has killed more than 150,000 people and displaced around 13 million, the largest internal displacement crisis on the planet. Over 3 million Sudanese have fled to neighboring countries.

Large swathes of the capital lie in ruins, and entire states have been devastated. With Khartoum no longer viable as a seat of power, the government and military leadership have relocated to the Red Sea city of Port Sudan.

Unlike previous wars, Sudan’s current conflict has no real audience. Global pressure on the warring factions has been minimal. Media coverage is sparse. And despite warnings from the United Nations describing the crisis as “the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe,” Sudan's descent into chaos remains largely ignored by the international community.