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Undeclared Battle Between US, Iran on Syrian-Iraqi Front

A convoy of U.S. vehicles is seen after withdrawing from northern Syria, at the Iraqi-Syrian border crossing in the outskirts of Dohuk,, Iraq, October 21, 2019. REUTERS/Ari Jalal
A convoy of U.S. vehicles is seen after withdrawing from northern Syria, at the Iraqi-Syrian border crossing in the outskirts of Dohuk,, Iraq, October 21, 2019. REUTERS/Ari Jalal
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Undeclared Battle Between US, Iran on Syrian-Iraqi Front

A convoy of U.S. vehicles is seen after withdrawing from northern Syria, at the Iraqi-Syrian border crossing in the outskirts of Dohuk,, Iraq, October 21, 2019. REUTERS/Ari Jalal
A convoy of U.S. vehicles is seen after withdrawing from northern Syria, at the Iraqi-Syrian border crossing in the outskirts of Dohuk,, Iraq, October 21, 2019. REUTERS/Ari Jalal

The Iraqi border has a special strategic appeal. It was once called the “Eastern Front” with Iran. The western side has now become the “front” with Iran as well. With undeclared insistence that is spoiled only by “mysterious raids”, a hidden US-Iranian struggle to capture the Iraqi-Syrian borders is raging.

A new player has joined the battle. Russia has plunged into this complex theater, expanding its military presence in the US sphere of influence and meddling with Al-Tanf base through the gate of Al-Rakban camp. Talks emerged about some Syrian fighters from the pro-Washington forces abandoning their camps and training to attack US-protected Syrian oil fields.

Back in 2017, the expulsion of ISIS by various Iraqi forces led to the deployment of many military and paramilitary forces in the Al-Qaim-Albukamal border area.

Many militias have had close links with Iran and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). These ties helped in transforming the border region to become a passage for Tehran through which it could extend its regional influence.

In March 2019, Washington announced the complete eradication of ISIS by liberating Al-Baghouz, in cooperation with its allies in the Syrian Democratic Forces.

This has reinforced the United States and Israel’s view of the border region as a pivotal front in efforts to contain Iranian influence.

In recent years, Iran’s support for the Syrian and Iraqi governments in their fight against their armed opponents strengthened Tehran’s ties with the two countries. Nevertheless, the IRGC established an extended network of cross-border paramilitary groups that restricted the freedom of both governments to operate independently of Iranian interests.

The network includes fighters from Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria who fought alongside Iraqi and Syrian government forces against ISIS or Syrian opponents, making the two governments increasingly dependent on such support, even if the situation is more complicated in Syria due to the role of Russia and Turkey.

Iran’s Ambitions

Several studies offer an integrated assessment of the reasons that prompted Iran to reinforce its presence in Al-Qaim-Albukamal. The Carnegie paper mentioned four reasons: First, Tehran seeks to prevent ISIS from rebuilding its forces inside the areas bordering Iraq and Syria.

Second, securing a land corridor to link areas under Iranian influence in Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria, to control the movement of people, weapons, and goods across the border.

Third, Tehran wants to block Washington’s attempts to use the border region as a base to counter Iranian influence. Fourth, Iran needs to retain its ability to militarily reinforce Hezbollah in Lebanon and deploy other militias backed by the Iranian Guards in the Fertile Crescent region in the event of a conflict with Israel.

The German Institute for International and Security Affairs says that Iran’s establishment of a land corridor to link it with Lebanon via Iraq and Syria will enable it to better support its affiliated groups in the three countries, as well as to transfer weapons and equipment to Hezbollah.

The US Ambitions

US officials have repeatedly said that one of their main goals in Syria was to “curb” or “end” Iran’s influence. Through the international coalition, Washington supports the Syrian Democratic Forces in their control of the east of the Euphrates with soldiers, land bases, air cover and oil protection equipment.

The US has two bases in Iraq and Syria: One of them is in Tanf, near the Tanf-Al-Walid border crossing, which is currently closed between Syria and Iraq. The other base, Ain Al-Assad, is located in Al-Anbar Governorate, near the Al-Baghdadi suburb. US President Donald Trump visited the base in December 2018 and announced that it would be used to keep Washington’s eye on Iranian activities in the region.

Besides, US forces were earlier deployed near the old railway station in Al-Qaim during the battle against ISIS. The Carnegie paper says militias backed by the IRGC have used the US deployment in western Iraq to justify their presence near the border. Iraqi officials from Anbar said the United States was trying to build new bases in the city of Rummaneh, north of Al-Qaim.

On December 29, 2019, US forces launched airstrikes against factions supported by the IRGC near the border, three of them in Iraq and two in Syria. The move sparked strong condemnations from the Iraqi government.

Washington said that the airstrikes were in response to attacks by the Hezbollah brigades against a military base in northern Iraq, which killed a US military contractor.

The attack aggravated tension between the United States and Iranian-backed groups and the Iraqi government, as the Trump administration ordered the assassination of Qassem Soleimani, the commander of Al-Quds Force.

Iran avenged the killing by firing missiles against two US military bases in Iraq.

The Economic Dimension

There is another dimension to the rivalry between the United States and Iran to rebuild the border area and the roads leading to the region.

The German Institute cites an economic reason: It has been known since 2013 that the Belt and Road initiative is a priority in Chinese foreign policy to facilitate trade between East and West.

In the initial plans to link China with Europe, the priority was to build northern routes through Russia and Central Asia, along with a sea route through the Arabian Gulf. Nevertheless, Tehran is trying to draw Beijing’s interest in a southern land route linking Iran, Iraq and Syria with the Mediterranean Sea and then to Europe.

In November 2018, Iran revealed a plan to build a railway linking the Shalamcheh border crossing located on the Iran-Iraq border with the Basra port in southeastern Iraq. The line is then supposed to extend towards the Syrian coast.

Sources quoted by the researchers of the Carnegie paper talking about a project that includes building a network of highways between Baghdad and the two border crossings - frall on the Jordanian border and Al-Tanf on the Syrian border. The highway network is also to be connected via a secondary road from Rutba to the Al-Qaim-Albukamal border crossing, with an extension into Syria from the Al-Qaim-Albukamal road.

In March 2017, the government of Haider al-Baghdadi approved a proposal from the Anbar province to grant a US company a contract to invest in highway repairs and protect construction workers and travelers.

The contract also included a plan to develop an international highway linking Baghdad and Arar on the Saudi border, as well as building a new highway linking Anbar directly to the border.

But the project has faced opposition from many members of the Iraqi parliament, including groups allied to Iran. The wave of controversy led to the abandonment of the contract and the assignment of Iraqi security forces with the task of protecting the highway.

According to a former Anbar official, who was directly involved in the talks, pro-Iranian groups rallied against the project because they saw it as a US attempt to expand its influence inside Anbar and western Iraq.

Pro-Iranian groups have sought to develop alternative plans to use the highways in Iraq to expand and consolidate their influence along the border.

There are currently attempts to build a road from Karbala to Al-Qaim-Albukamal region to facilitate the movement of Popular Mobilization Forces and civilians, who visit shrines in Syria.

Tehran and its allies are seeking to connect the Al-Qaim-Albukamal region to a wider network of pro-Iranian groups to unite them in the face of the United States and its allies.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) affirmed that the Iranian forces and the Lebanese Hezbollah continue recruitment operations in a covert and public manner in the western banks of the Euphrates.

It said that around 3,600 young Syrian men of different ages were recruited into the ranks of Iranian forces and affiliated militias, amid the US-Iranian conflict and Russia’s entry on the line by expanding its deployment east of the Euphrates, establishing a military base in Qamishli and deploying a missile system under the US umbrella.

The Syrian-Iraqi border has turned into a complex front for regional-international conflict.

The strategies of these countries depend on their ability to penetrate the local environment, which has transferred its allegiance over decades and years from one party to another.

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‘Caesar’s’ Partner ‘Sami’: I Wept at First When I Saw Pictures, Then Became Emotionally Numb

Syrians gather outside a prison in Damascus the day after Assad’s fall, hoping to uncover the fate of their missing loved ones (AFP)
Syrians gather outside a prison in Damascus the day after Assad’s fall, hoping to uncover the fate of their missing loved ones (AFP)
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‘Caesar’s’ Partner ‘Sami’: I Wept at First When I Saw Pictures, Then Became Emotionally Numb

Syrians gather outside a prison in Damascus the day after Assad’s fall, hoping to uncover the fate of their missing loved ones (AFP)
Syrians gather outside a prison in Damascus the day after Assad’s fall, hoping to uncover the fate of their missing loved ones (AFP)

In the final installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Osama Othman, the man who smuggled the “Caesar Files” documenting Syrian torture victims, described how the photos became a haunting part of his life.
“I lived with these images for years until the victims felt like friends,” he said.
Othman recalled his early emotional struggles.
“At first, I cried whenever I saw the photos,” he said.
“But over time, my feelings went numb. When I cried, I felt human. But when I started looking at the pictures coldly, just searching for specific ones, I felt like a stranger to myself. Bashar al-Assad disfigured the victims physically and destroyed us emotionally.”
For 11 years, Othman was known only by his codename “Sami” until he revealed his identity through Asharq Al-Awsat.
He shared one of the most heartbreaking moments: “Hearing a mother or wife recognize a loved one in the photos and say, ‘Thank God they’re dead. At least the waiting is over.’ It’s a pain that breaks your heart.”
Among the nearly 27,000 photos, some left a lasting impression on Othman. He mentioned victims with large tattoos of Assad on their chests and security officers smiling next to mutilated bodies, as if posing for a tourist photo.
The following is the text of the interview:
How did you handle seeing so many torture photos?
“The first images I got from ‘Caesar’ were devastating. You can’t imagine,” said Othman. “It’s one thing to see someone killed in a battle or a crime—you can understand it. But when you see photos of victims with burn marks all over their chests, it’s beyond comprehension.”
Othman shared how he coped.
“I saw these victims as my family—my brother, my father. That made it hurt even more. I felt their pain as if it was my own. What kind of person tortures someone like this? If they were going to die in prison, just kill them. Why subject them to such barbaric torture?”
“No regime in history has gone to such lengths to detain and torture its own people in ways no sane mind can comprehend. The cruelty is unimaginable,” he added.
Did you suffer from sleepless nights and tears?
“In the beginning, I couldn’t stop crying,” said Othman.
“These victims aren’t just numbers. They had mothers waiting for them, children, siblings, and lives. Assad turned them into photos with numbers. Even now, 10 years later, we have thousands of images with no names. We hoped to access records linking these numbers to identities when the regime fell, but that hasn’t happened.”
Othman and the Caesar Files for Justice organization are now working on a solution.
“We’re creating an app to match missing persons’ photos from families with our files, using forensic methods like skull measurements and other details beyond what the eye can see.”
Over time, Othman’s emotions changed.
“After looking at thousands of photos, certain details stick with you. For example, Branch 227 reminds me of victims with eyes gouged out, while Branch 215 committed over half of the recorded violations. These numbers and images are burned into my memory. I’ve seen so many that I can often tell which branch they came from at a glance.”
“These victims felt like my friends,” said Osama Othman.
“In some photos, you could see a victim screaming in their final moments, their mouth frozen open. That silent scream, heard only by God, reached us through the images. I felt as if they were entrusting me with a responsibility.”
Over time, Othman’s emotions dulled.
“At first, I cried and knew I was still human. But later, as I searched through the photos without feeling, I felt like a stranger to myself. Assad didn’t just destroy the victims physically—he broke us emotionally too.”
Were doctors involved in torture?
“There were reports of killings in hospitals,” confirmed Othman.
“We had photos of victims with medical tubes still in their arms and bandages on their bodies. It’s unclear what happened—were they arrested and taken to the hospital, or detained directly from there? I don’t know.”
Othman emphasized the lack of evidence.
“Without proof, I can’t confirm these claims. Some doctors have faced trials in Germany for alleged abuses against detainees, but many stories circulating publicly lack the legal backing to hold up in court.”
“Unfortunately,” he added, “any claims of torture or killings without solid evidence can’t withstand scrutiny in any court.”
The pictures uncovered the fate of some missing people, did the relatives of those missing contact you and how did you feel about them?
Othman frequently received photos from families of the missing, hoping to find their loved ones among the Caesar Files.
“Relatives would send me images, asking if their loved ones were in the files,” Othman said.
“I would compare these photos with thousands in the Caesar Files, searching for similarities.”
Othman explained that the process was slow and painstaking.
“It took a lot of time, but often I was able to find a match.”
Othman described the emotional toll of working with the Caesar Files.
“Often, when we send full-body images of victims to their families, it’s not their loved one. But sometimes, it is. What’s most heartbreaking is hearing them say ‘Thank God, thank God.’ Why? Because they’re relieved their loved one has died. A mother or wife says this in agony, grateful that their suffering has ended. This makes you wonder—how could a mother see her son tortured and dead, yet say ‘thank God’?”
Othman also recalled disturbing images.
“We have photos of victims who lost their eyes. One photo shows a man with a tattoo of Bashar al-Assad’s face, and the words ‘Syria, Assad’ under it. This man was tortured to death in the Air Force Intelligence branch in Damascus.”
One image, Othman said, still haunts him.
“In another, there are many bodies in a cart, from different branches, not just one. Some bodies are piled up outside a garage, decaying. What’s chilling is a soldier smiling in the background. It makes you question—why is he smiling? Is it happiness, or has he lost all sense of feeling in the face of such cruelty?”
Othman described a disturbing photo of hospital staff smiling, seemingly unaware of the horror around them.
“In the background, you can see bodies wrapped in plastic, others on tables, and some limbs visible. Hospital corridors were used to wrap up the bodies,” he said.
Othman also pointed to detailed images of victims’ eyes, which forensic experts can use to assess injuries and decay caused by insects.
He emphasized the pain of sharing these images.
“I don’t want to show more—it’s too painful for viewers and the victims’ families. But our message has reached the world. After 10 years, the Caesar Files exposed the regime’s crimes, and today, institutions and former prisoners are revealing even more about these atrocities.”
How did you feel about Russian President Vladimir Putin’s asylum offer to Assad?
Othman expressed his reaction to Russian President Vladimir Putin granting Assad asylum.
“Since Russia’s intervention in Syria in 2015, the Russian regime has been a partner in the Syrian regime’s crimes,” Othman said.
“We viewed the Russian officials as true partners in these atrocities, and they likely bear greater responsibility than the Syrian regime itself.”
Othman was not surprised by Assad seeking refuge in Russia.
“I don’t think this asylum will last long. We are committed to working tirelessly to bring Assad back to Syria, recover the stolen funds, and ensure he is prosecuted in Damascus.”
Othman shared his hopes for justice in Syria, expressing his desire to see Assad in the defendant’s cage.
“I pray I live long enough to witness that moment, just as I lived to hear the news of Assad's fall and the liberation of Damascus,” he said.
Asked whether Assad knew about the atrocities taking place in Syrian prisons, Othman was firm.
“In Syria, nothing happens without the president knowing. This is a repressive, security-driven regime led by Assad, or previously by his father, Hafez al-Assad. No security official under this regime would act without the president’s approval.”
Othman acknowledged that while they lack direct evidence linking Assad to specific crimes, the responsibility falls on the heads of the security agencies.
“Legally, the blame lies directly with the heads of security agencies, as the chain of command flows from them. But in Syria, everyone knows that even the smallest actions in any security branch or prison are part of a systematic plan known and approved by the regime's top leadership.”
On whether the victims in the Caesar Files were from specific regions or sects, Othman clarified, “The victims in the Caesar Files are Syrians, and we defend all Syrians. Since the victims are identified by numbers, not names, I can’t determine if they belong to a particular sect or group.”
However, he noted signs of certain affiliations.
“Some victims have tattoos on their bodies. You might be surprised to learn that several victims have a large tattoo of Bashar al-Assad on their chests. You could assume these men were Assad supporters. I don’t know their sects, but someone who tattoos Bashar al-Assad on their body surely has strong support for him.”
Othman pointed out that some tattoos found on victims might provide clues about their identity, but not with certainty.
“A tattoo of Palestine, for example, isn’t unique to Palestinians. We all support Palestine. But it’s likely this person was Palestinian, especially from the Palestinian community in Syria,” he said.
He emphasized that tattoos could hint at political beliefs or nationalities, but he wouldn't make assumptions.
“These tattoos may suggest political views or connections to certain countries, but I can't say for sure if the victims belonged to a specific sect or group.”
Othman added that once names are linked to numbers, he may be able to provide more concrete answers.
“When we can match names to numbers, I'll be able to say if many of these victims came from a particular sect.”
Do you believe that Syria is on its way to a rebirth?
Othman shared cautious hope for Syria’s future.
“God willing, a new Syria will be born,” he said, but added a note of caution.
“I don’t want to be pessimistic, but the real fight for Syria's rebuilding began on December 8, 2024, with Assad’s fall and Damascus’ liberation. Everything before that was just about toppling the regime and removing its leader.”
When will you return to Syria?
Othman said he is eager to return to Syria but faces administrative hurdles.
“I’m waiting for the right moment, but there are still many bureaucratic obstacles,” he explained.
“If it were possible, I would have gone back earlier.”
Regarding his fears due to his involvement in the Caesar Files, Othman admitted the risks remain.
“The fear is still there. We hid our identities to protect ourselves and our families, and that need still exists,” he said.
“The risks are greater now because we are pushing for accountability. This puts us in conflict with many people. I know the dangers, but I’m committed to this path and prepared for whatever comes. If I could do more from hiding, I would, but now it's important to be visible and move the case forward.”