Lebanon Crisis Brings Mixed Legacy for Riad Salameh

FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh reacts after a news conference at Central Bank in Beirut, Lebanon November 11, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh reacts after a news conference at Central Bank in Beirut, Lebanon November 11, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
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Lebanon Crisis Brings Mixed Legacy for Riad Salameh

FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh reacts after a news conference at Central Bank in Beirut, Lebanon November 11, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh reacts after a news conference at Central Bank in Beirut, Lebanon November 11, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir

Touted as the guardian of Lebanon’s monetary stability, he steered the tiny country's finances for nearly three decades, through post-war recovery and bouts of unrest.

Now, Lebanon’s central bank governor is being called a “thief” by some anti-government protesters who see him as a member of a corrupt ruling elite whose mismanagement has driven the country to the edge of bankruptcy.

The changing fortunes of Riad Salameh, a 69-year-old former investment banker, mirror the rise and fall of Lebanon’s post-war banking sector, which he personally oversaw, The Associated Presse reported.

Last year, as economic conditions worsened and Lebanon was engulfed in mass protests, banks began imposing limits on cash withdrawals and limits on transfers abroad that continue to deprive depositors of access to their savings. In recent weeks, the Lebanese pound — pegged to the dollar for more than two decades under Salameh — lost 60% of its value against the dollar on the black market.

Protesters rioted, hurling firebombs and smashing ATM machines. Metal barriers rose up around the banks.

“They are like thieves, hiding behind their fortifications,” said Ahmad Rustom, 46, a self-employed carpenter standing outside a local bank in Beirut recently. “The fact that they are fortifying means they don’t intend to give people their money back.”

At the center of this tumult is Salameh, one of the world’s longest-serving governors. Prime Minister Hassan Diab's government has singled him out, blaming the bank's “opaque policies" for the downward currency spiral over the past weeks.

Salameh has declined an AP request for an interview but defended himself publicly against what he described as a “systematic campaign” against the central bank, blaming successive governments for the crisis.

“Yes, the central bank financed the state, but it is not the one that spent the money,” Salameh charged in a televised speech.

In perhaps the starkest warning to Salameh, the head of cash operations at the central bank was charged earlier this month with violating banking laws and money laundering, allegations the central bank denied. The official, Mazen Hamdan, was later ordered released on bail.

Salameh’s supporters say he did his best to keep the economy afloat and is being made a scapegoat.

David Schenker, the US assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs, has weighed in, saying Salameh has credibility and that Washington has “worked well” with him.

Nassib Ghobril, chief economist at Lebanon's Byblos Bank, the country's third-largest lender, said Salameh "used the tools at hand to maintain the currency stability for so long, despite the fact that only the monetary policy was functioning” in the country.

Salameh is credited with preserving financial stability at critical junctures.
In 2009, he became the first Arab central bank governor to ring the bell at the New York Stock Exchange.

“I hope that through my work I have benefited Lebanon and its banking sector but for sure this is not an individual effort but that of a team at the central bank,” he once said in an interview.

Successive governments, however, did little to enact reforms or improve Lebanon’s infrastructure, while continuing to borrow heavily, accumulating one of the world’s largest debts reaching $90 billion, or 170% of GDP.

With Lebanon in constant need of hard currency to cover its massive trade balance deficit — it exports way too little and imports almost everything —Salameh helped attract deposits to local banks by offering higher interest rates than those of international markets.

When the flow of hard currency dropped, beginning in 2016 — in large part because falling oil prices reduced remittances from Lebanese working in Gulf Arab nations — Salameh responded with a so-called “financial engineerings” debt policy. This encouraged local banks to obtain dollars from abroad by paying high interest rates, to keep the state's finances afloat.

This approach is what his detractors now say proved too costly for the country. An economic recovery plan recently adopted by the government showed that the central bank had $44 billion in losses over the past years, the result of losing financial operations.

In the months before anti-government demonstrations erupted last October, panicked depositors pulled billions of dollars from banks, which subsequently closed for two weeks and later imposed stringent restrictions on withdrawals.

Protesters now shout insults at Salameh outside the central bank, surrounded with concrete walls and barbed wire on Beirut’s Hamra Street.



Europeans Sidelined in US-Iran Nuclear Talks despite Holding Key Card

A general view of Muscat, ahead of the awaited negotiations between US and Iran, in Oman, April 11, 2025. (Reuters)
A general view of Muscat, ahead of the awaited negotiations between US and Iran, in Oman, April 11, 2025. (Reuters)
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Europeans Sidelined in US-Iran Nuclear Talks despite Holding Key Card

A general view of Muscat, ahead of the awaited negotiations between US and Iran, in Oman, April 11, 2025. (Reuters)
A general view of Muscat, ahead of the awaited negotiations between US and Iran, in Oman, April 11, 2025. (Reuters)

Washington's decision not to coordinate with European nations about its negotiations with Iran on Saturday will reduce its leverage and make US and Israeli military action against Tehran ultimately more likely, analysts and diplomats said.

The United States did not tell European countries about the nuclear talks in Oman before President Donald Trump announced them on Tuesday, even though they hold a key card on the possible reimposition of UN sanctions on Tehran, three European diplomats said.

"The United States is going to need a coordinated diplomatic strategy with its European allies going into these negotiations with Iran," said Blaise Misztal, vice president for policy at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America.

That coordination is "crucial to making sure that there is maximum pressure and any diplomatic option has a chance of success," Misztal said.

Trump, who restored a "maximum pressure" campaign on Tehran in February, on Wednesday repeated threats to use military force against Iran if it didn't halt its nuclear program and said Israel would be "the leader of that."

The West suspects Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons, which it denies. The threat of renewed sanctions is intended to pressure Tehran into concessions, but detailed discussions on strategy have yet to take place with the Americans, the diplomats said.

Because the United States quit a 2015 nuclear accord with Iran, it cannot initiate its mechanism for reimposing sanctions, called snapback, at the United Nations Security Council.

That makes Britain, Germany and France, known as the E3, the only deal participants capable of and interested in pursuing snapback, so it is crucial that Washington align with these allies, analysts said. Israel, Iran's arch-enemy, has already lobbied the E3 to initiate it.

According to the three diplomats, the E3 told Iran they would trigger the snapback mechanism by the end of June. Iran responded that doing so would mean harsh consequences and a review of its nuclear doctrine, the diplomats said.

"The E3 do not trust the United States because it is taking initiatives without them being consulted," said a senior European diplomat.

Trump withdrew the US in 2018 from the nuclear deal with Iran also signed by Russia and China. The accord curbed Iran's nuclear activities in return for sanctions relief. Russia opposes restoring sanctions.

Under the nuclear accord, participants can initiate the 30-day snapback process if they are unable to resolve accusations of Iranian violations through a dispute-resolution mechanism.

But that opportunity expires on October 18 when the accord ends.

Since the US exited the deal in 2018, Iran has far surpassed its uranium enrichment limits, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Tehran is producing stocks of fissile purity well above what Western powers say is justifiable for a civilian energy program and close to weapons grade.

GOING IT ALONE

The US administration's approach echoes Trump's first term in office, when he also prioritized unilateral talks with Iran, and with his stance on the war in Ukraine, where Washington has begun direct talks with Moscow, sidelining Europeans.

European officials have held some meetings with US counterparts but said they were not sufficiently in-depth.

Even a meeting on Iran with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio on the sidelines of a NATO foreign ministers meeting a week before Trump's announcement was difficult to arrange, three E3 officials said.

The British, French and German foreign ministries did not respond directly when asked if they had been made aware of the Oman talks ahead of time.

"We remain committed to taking every diplomatic step to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, including through snapback if necessary," a British foreign ministry spokesperson said.

France's Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot said tersely on Wednesday that the French "take note with interest" the talks.

Neither the White House National Security Council nor the State Department immediately responded to a request for comment on the snapback or coordination with Europeans.

EUROPEAN-IRAN DIRECT TALKS

Having negotiated with Iran as a trio as far back as 2003 on the nuclear issue, the European countries consider their role essential to a solution. In the 2015 deal, a key carrot for Iran was being able to trade with Europe.

The Europeans have helped the United States pressure Iran in recent months, including at the UN atomic watchdog and with new sanctions on Iran over its ballistic missile program, detention of foreign citizens and support for Russia in the war against Ukraine.

During the US policy vacuum after Trump won the election but before he took office, the Europeans tried to take the initiative by holding exploratory talks with Iran that began in September and have continued.

The E3 said that was necessary because time was running out before the 2015 deal expires on October 18. They have tried to sound out whether new restrictions, albeit narrower than those agreed in 2015, could be negotiated before then.

Diplomats said that in those talks, Iranian officials have often quizzed their counterparts on the new US administration.

"Iran believes that talks with the E3 and other parties to the nuclear deal can help defuse tensions over its nuclear program and can be complementary to talks with the US," said an Iranian official.