Hamdok to Asharq Al-Awsat: Our Relations With US Are Advancing, No Fear with Ethiopia

Hamdok to Asharq Al-Awsat: Our Relations With US Are Advancing, No Fear with Ethiopia
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Hamdok to Asharq Al-Awsat: Our Relations With US Are Advancing, No Fear with Ethiopia

Hamdok to Asharq Al-Awsat: Our Relations With US Are Advancing, No Fear with Ethiopia

Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok said his country’s removal from the US terrorism list was very imminent, noting a “significant progress” in the relations with the United States.

He pointed to some pending points pertaining to compensation for the bombings of the American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es-Salam.

“Even in this case, we have made great strides, and we expect to reach an end soon,” he stressed. “Since we came to power, we have been working to address the issue of terrorism, and we have made great progress, and we expect this file to be resolved soon.”

In an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Hamdok said the two countries had agreed to exchange ambassadors, but noted that the issue was delayed due to the coronavirus outbreak.

“We agreed on my visit to Washington last December to exchange ambassadors. America had not had an ambassador to Sudan for 23 years; so they decided to appoint an ambassador, and this is considered as major progress in relations between the two countries. I believe that the conditions related to the coronavirus pandemic led to delaying the appointment,” he remarked.

The Sudanese prime minister said he was seeking to establish “strong relations with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates that go beyond aid to unlimited integration.”

He emphasized that the relations with Riyadh and Abu Dhabi were “very good.”

“We commend the support that we receive from them, but we aspire for relations that rise higher than donations,” he underlined, calling on the two Gulf capitals to boost their investments in the African country.

“We seek to bring the Saudi and Emirati capitals to invest in our country with billions of dollars, because we have the capabilities and benefits that enable this integration to happen. We want this relationship to surpass the limits of aid, but rather go to broader horizons,” Hamdok told Asharq Al-Awsat.

On a different note, the Sudanese premier said he was not worried about an escalation with Ethiopia after the recent border tensions, stressing that the two countries had some mechanisms “that can help in dealing with the crisis.”

He stressed that his country was engaged in the Renaissance Dam and expected “very great benefits”.

“What we have done is to help the three parties stop the escalation and return to the negotiating table, to reach an agreement that would enable Ethiopia to fill the reservoir of the dam before beginning to fill the lake,” he explained.

On the internal level, Hamdok highlighted his ability to solve Sudan’s economic crises, saying: “If I were not convinced about my ability to tackle the economic crisis, I would not stay in my position for a day.”

“We are completely convinced that we are a country rich in many resources, and we inherited a completely collapsed economy; but with our unity and ability to address the local components and the outside world around us, we can create a climate in the short term that helps us overcome our problems,” he said.

Commenting on recent Security Council resolutions in response to the government’s request to establish a political mission for Sudan and extend the term of the UNAMID mission, Hamdok said: “We asked to send a political mission to Sudan… and the decision was met with approval from the international community and the Security Council. It is a mission to help us in the challenges of transition, especially the peace process.”

“This process is carried out based on the vision of the Sudanese government, and this is what the UN Security Council mentioned: that the process be carried out according to the preservation of national sovereignty,” he emphasized.

Asked about the peace process with armed groups, the prime minister noted that he was in direct and permanent contact with the leaders of the Revolutionary Front and other armed movements that were not involved in the negotiations.

“The Sovereign Council is part of the transitional authority. We are an integrated transitional government, and there is no competition between us,” he stated.

He continued: “We did not expect that peace would take so long; this is because of the increasing optimism over stopping the war and building peace, as a prerequisite to sustainable democracy.”

Asked about the government’s opinion on the recent tensions in Darfur between the army and the Sudan Liberation Movement, Hamdok said that since the beginning of the transitional period, clashes and problems of an ethnic and tribal nature in the states of Darfur, Port Sudan, Kassala, and Kadugli have not ceased.

He explained that these conflicts and clashes were due to the mass destruction that the ousted regime had created.

“These are challenges facing the transitional government, and they need a special solution… To stop this, we have developed a method based on law enforcement to impose state prestige,” he underlined.

Asked about his achievements nine months after the formation of the transitional government, the prime minister said: “We have set a program for the transitional period based on 10 priorities, the most important of which is the file of peace and the economy.”

He added that despite the slow pace of the peace process, “we believe it is moving in the right direction, especially the documents that we reached during the negotiations.”

Hamdok pointed to the country’s progress in agricultural production, saying: “The biggest government success was that of the winter agricultural season and the high productivity of the wheat crop. The government participated in it, but the credit goes to the farmers. What happened bodes well that we can achieve wheat sufficiency and even export it.”

He also pointed to the amendment of salaries, which has been neglected for a long time, in addition to tackling the liquidity scarcity, and other issues.



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”