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Israel Concerned about US Dealing with Palestinian Authority as State

Houses are seen in the Jewish settlement of Itamar, near Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank June 15, 2020. (Reuters)
Houses are seen in the Jewish settlement of Itamar, near Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank June 15, 2020. (Reuters)
    Tel Aviv – Nazir Magallay
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Israel Concerned about US Dealing with Palestinian Authority as State

Houses are seen in the Jewish settlement of Itamar, near Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank June 15, 2020. (Reuters)
Houses are seen in the Jewish settlement of Itamar, near Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank June 15, 2020. (Reuters)

Political sources in Tel Aviv have voiced concern over the United States dealing with Palestine “as if it were a state.”

This was revealed in the US State Department’s “2020 Fiscal Transparency Report,” in which it assesses countries that receive US assistance and whether they meet the minimum fiscal transparency requirements, as well as means of fighting corruption in these states.

The name mentioned in the US list did not specify Palestine and did not refer to it as a state, it instead referred to it as the “Palestinian Authority” (PA).

The list included the PA as one of other 64 states that do not meet the minimum fiscal transparency requirements, compared to 76 countries that do, according to Washington.

This has prompted the ruling right-wing in Israel to respond with concern about the list even though Washington, of course, has not officially recognized Palestine as a state.

According to Israel’s Maariv newspaper, Israeli officials have expressed concern and shock over the document, saying they know how things are run in the US.

“Nothing is coincidental in the US administration,” the officials noted.

They stressed that the mere listing of the PA as one of 141 assessed countries is considered a message that reflects a new American approach that considers it a state.

The Israeli government still suffers sharp differences among the parties over US President Donald Trump's so-called Deal of the Century Middle East peace proposal and the annexation plan it includes.

The plan stipulates annexing about 30 percent of the Israeli-occupied West Bank, most notably parts the Jordan Valley, the northern Dead Sea and lands on which settlements are built, and imposing Israel’s sovereignty over these areas.

Blue and White party’s Minister of Science and Technology Izhar Shay slammed Friday the unilateral annexation, stressing that “it does not serve Israel’s security and strategic interests.”

He expressed support for Trump’s “peace plan,” noting that it includes all the elements needed for a stable and secure peace and ensures Israel’s existence for many years as a Jewish democratic state.

It also provides Palestinians with a full-fledged, demilitarized state dedicated to achieve safety and well-being.

He, however, criticized its unilateral implementation, stressing that ignoring the Palestinians will cause irreversible damage.

“It will undermine stability in the Middle East, affect the peace treaty with Jordan and may cause casualties among Israelis, harm the economy and diminish Israel's international position,” Shay said.

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Arab World

Hamas Calls for Sanctions Against Israel Over New West Bank Moves 

A drone view shows Kedar Sheep farm, an Israeli outpost in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 20, 2026. (Reuters)
A drone view shows Kedar Sheep farm, an Israeli outpost in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 20, 2026. (Reuters)
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Hamas Calls for Sanctions Against Israel Over New West Bank Moves 

A drone view shows Kedar Sheep farm, an Israeli outpost in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 20, 2026. (Reuters)
A drone view shows Kedar Sheep farm, an Israeli outpost in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 20, 2026. (Reuters)

Hamas on Tuesday called for sanctions against Israel, welcoming a joint condemnation by nearly 20 countries of new Israeli measures aimed at tightening control over the occupied West Bank.

Israel has approved a series of initiatives this month backed by far-right ministers, including launching a process to register land in the West Bank as "state property" and allowing Israelis to purchase land there directly.

Late on Monday, 18 countries including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and European powers France and Spain, slammed Israel over the recent moves.

They "are part of a clear trajectory that aims to change the reality on the ground and to advance unacceptable de facto annexation", the countries said.

"Such actions are a deliberate and direct attack on the viability of the Palestinian state and the implementation of the two-state solution."

Hamas hailed the condemnation as "a step in the right direction in confronting the occupation's expansionist plans, which flagrantly violate international law and relevant UN resolutions".

The group in a statement urged the countries involved "to impose deterrent sanctions and exert pressure on the fascist occupation government to halt its policies aimed at entrenching annexation, colonial settlement and forced displacement".

It said the Israeli measures were part of ongoing "aggression" against Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza.

In addition to roughly three million Palestinians, more than 500,000 Israelis live in settlements and outposts in the West Bank, which are considered illegal under international law.

Israel's current government has accelerated settlement expansion, approving a record 54 settlements in 2025, according to activists.

The West Bank, which Israel has occupied since 1967, is envisioned as the core of a future Palestinian state, but many on Israel's religious right view it as part of Israel's historic homeland.

Arab World

Israel Seeking Direct Military Coordination with Lebanon 

Lebanese soldiers and UNIFIL forces on patrol in Naqoura southern Lebanon. (Reuters file)
Lebanese soldiers and UNIFIL forces on patrol in Naqoura southern Lebanon. (Reuters file)
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Israel Seeking Direct Military Coordination with Lebanon 

Lebanese soldiers and UNIFIL forces on patrol in Naqoura southern Lebanon. (Reuters file)
Lebanese soldiers and UNIFIL forces on patrol in Naqoura southern Lebanon. (Reuters file)

Israel is seeking to alter the post-ceasefire coordination mechanism along the Lebanese border by establishing direct contact with the Lebanese army, bypassing the United Nations peacekeeping force deployed in the south, said Israeli media.

The proposal has reignited debate in Beirut over the future of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 and the role of international oversight in southern Lebanon, with Lebanese officials insisting that any modification must remain strictly within the United Nations framework.

Reports attributed to Israel’s security establishment say the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) has recently adopted what Israeli officials describe as a “confrontational stance” toward the Israeli military.

Israeli media quoted officials as telling American counterparts that direct coordination between the Israeli military and the Lebanese army would be preferable to the current arrangement, which operates through UNIFIL. Some officials reportedly argued that the peacekeeping force now causes “more harm than benefit.”

The Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation said Israel’s security establishment believes UNIFIL has grown increasingly “hostile” in recent weeks.

The force’s mandate in southern Lebanon is due to expire at the end of this year.

Lebanese officials have responded by underscoring that the country’s position remains anchored in international legality and UN authority.

Fadi Alame, head of the Foreign Affairs and Immigrants Committee in Lebanon’s parliament, said Israeli media discussions “do not bind Lebanon,” stressing that “Lebanon’s sole reference remains the international resolutions issued by the United Nations.”

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Alame reiterated Lebanon’s commitment to Resolution 1701 and expressed support for UNIFIL.

He said the force monitors implementation of the resolution and safeguards Lebanon’s rights and sovereignty within the UN framework.

“As long as there is a UN resolution in force, any amendment or termination must occur through the United Nations itself,” he stated. “International law requires an international monitoring body as long as the resolution remains in effect.”

Addressing speculation about replacing UNIFIL or shifting to direct coordination with the Lebanese army, Alame said Beirut’s official stance remains unchanged.

“Lebanon is committed to Resolution 1701 under a clear government decision,” he underlined. “For us, Resolution 1701 and other UN resolutions remain the foundation.”

He added that Lebanon is awaiting a report from the UN secretary-general in June that is expected to outline potential options. These could range from maintaining the current international force to introducing a European-led presence or increasing the number of international observers.

Any proposal, he stressed, would remain subject to UN approval.

Meanwhile, a Lebanese ministerial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that Israel’s proposal for direct coordination without UNIFIL “raises questions,” noting that the peacekeeping force is already embedded in the existing tripartite coordination mechanism.

Communication with Israel is conducted through UNIFIL under an established framework, the source explained, adding that Lebanon insists on maintaining an international sponsor and monitoring body as long as Resolution 1701 has not been fully implemented.

European proposals remain under discussion, including the possibility of a European-led force under French supervision or a mission focused on training and equipping the Lebanese army to assume expanded responsibilities. However, these ideas have yet to crystallize and remain tied to future political and security developments.

The debate follows a UN Security Council decision in August 2025 to extend UNIFIL’s mandate until December 31, 2026, with a coordinated drawdown planned to begin the following year.

UNIFIL has been deployed in southern Lebanon since 1978. It serves as a monitoring and buffer force, overseeing implementation of Resolution 1701 and supporting the Lebanese army’s deployment south of the Litani River.

Arab World

Gas, Transport and Charity Kitchens Deepen Ramadan Hardship in Gaza

Palestinians share the iftar meal amid homes destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Gaza on Sunday (EPA). 
Palestinians share the iftar meal amid homes destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Gaza on Sunday (EPA). 
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Gas, Transport and Charity Kitchens Deepen Ramadan Hardship in Gaza

Palestinians share the iftar meal amid homes destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Gaza on Sunday (EPA). 
Palestinians share the iftar meal amid homes destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Gaza on Sunday (EPA). 

As Ramadan enters its sixth day, residents of the Gaza Strip are grappling with mounting daily pressures amid a web of crises that extend well beyond soaring prices for basic goods.

For many families, access to essentials such as cooking gas, adequate food and transportation has become an exhausting struggle.

Among the most acute problems is the shortage of cooking gas, leaving most households reliant on firewood. But wood is also scarce and increasingly expensive, particularly during Ramadan, when demand rises, including from restaurants facing the same fuel shortages.

The Gaza Petroleum Authority distributes limited quantities of gas to residents — eight kilograms per household — without a fixed timetable. Distribution cycles are irregular due to the limited and inconsistent flow of supplies into the territory.

Hassan Al-Masri, 45, said residents can wait three or four months to receive just eight kilograms, less than the 12 kilograms or more typically held by a standard gas cylinder.

The shortage has severely affected families’ ability to prepare meals, particularly during Ramadan. Samar Abu Al-Jebin, from Jabalia and currently displaced at a shelter in the Al-Nasr neighborhood, said preparing food for her family of nine, especially the pre-dawn suhoor meal, has become increasingly difficult. On some days, she relies on meals distributed by charity kitchens for iftar.

Even those who manage to receive food aid say the quality has deteriorated.

In a camp on the outskirts of Al-Shati refugee camp, northwest of Gaza City, hundreds of tents shelter families displaced from northern Gaza. Residents say the meals provided by charity kitchens, many operating on behalf of international organizations, are often extremely poor in quality.

Ahmed Labad, 39, displaced from Beit Lahia, said that for nearly two months, even before Ramadan began, meals have been substandard. “Most of it is thrown away,” he said, explaining that only those with no alternative eat the food to feed their children. He questioned the level of oversight on kitchens operating for international and other institutions.

Firas Al-Kafarna, a resident of the camp, said that since the beginning of Ramadan, only the first day’s meal had been of acceptable quality. “After that, families have been throwing the food in the trash,” he said, adding that complaints are coming from displacement camps and shelters across the Gaza Strip due to the very poor meals being served.

Some families living in partially damaged homes also depend on the charity kitchens because of severe economic hardship. Yet residents say much of the distributed food ultimately ends up discarded.

Gaza’s Ministry of Social Development, run by Hamas, has issued instructions to all organizations providing meals — particularly to displaced people — to improve quality.

The ministry stressed that kitchens should not limit distributions to plain rice or thin stews without additions, and called for including meat and poultry, especially given the recent influx of frozen products allowed into Gaza.

According to Al-Kafarna, however, none of the organizations have complied with these directives so far.

Beyond food and fuel, transportation has become another daily burden. A shortage of vehicles — many destroyed during the war — combined with a severe liquidity crisis has complicated movement across the territory.

Anas Hamid, 21, displaced from the Shujaiya neighborhood east of Gaza City to Al-Nasr in the west, said drivers insist on cash payments and frequently vary fares from one location to another. “There is no unified fare,” he said, questioning the absence of effective oversight.

Driver Hassan Al-Hanawi said many drivers avoid electronic banking applications or digital wallets for several reasons, including unreliable internet access, the absence of bank accounts among some drivers, and fuel station owners who require payment in cash rather than electronically.

The Hamas-run government has issued several circulars instructing drivers to accept worn banknotes and encouraging the use of electronic payment systems. However, implementation has remained limited.

With vehicle shortages persisting, many residents have turned to bicycles — once uncommon in Gaza — to meet daily needs. Demand has surged, though supply remains limited and prices have risen sharply compared to pre-war levels.

Nabil Al-Tayef, 26, initially used his bicycle to run errands for his family before joining a delivery office as restaurants and shops gradually resumed operations.

Most delivery services now rely heavily on young men using their own bicycles. Motorbikes are rare, and electric bicycles — recently permitted into Gaza through a single trader — are prohibitively expensive, costing more than $3,500, compared with $500 to $700 before the war.