Fear Hinders Foreigners Injured in Beirut Blast from Getting Immediate Treatment

Jordan's Minister of Foreign Affairs visiting the Jordanian field hospital in Ras Dekwaneh (National News Agency)
Jordan's Minister of Foreign Affairs visiting the Jordanian field hospital in Ras Dekwaneh (National News Agency)
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Fear Hinders Foreigners Injured in Beirut Blast from Getting Immediate Treatment

Jordan's Minister of Foreign Affairs visiting the Jordanian field hospital in Ras Dekwaneh (National News Agency)
Jordan's Minister of Foreign Affairs visiting the Jordanian field hospital in Ras Dekwaneh (National News Agency)

Abedel, a 38-year-old Bangladeshi laborer, stands in front of one of the field hospitals that provide medical services in Beirut’s Mar Mikhael district. His wounds were minor, or they might have not been serious if they were treated promptly, but he did not go to the hospital immediately after he was injured in the August 4 explosion that rocked the Lebanese capital's port, and his wounds have become infected.

"I was in Bourj Hammoud, and the glass fell on me," he says, using the few Arabic words he knows and pointing to his hand. He was afraid of going to the hospital because he did not have the money and because of his illegal status.

Many of these workers speak of a similar fear to that of the Lebanese, but for them it was doubled. Some of them suddenly recognized that they could not speak the language, others wanted to flee, only for fear of security forces or the army discovering they were staying in the country illegally. As for the gravest fear; it was to die without someone recognizing them, as one worker said in broken Arabic: “My family is not here. Who will know my name.”

Dozens of workers visit the rescue tents that were set up in the squares near the site of the explosion on a daily basis. Most of them did not receive appropriate treatment despite the Ministry of Health’s decision to treat all victims at its expense without discriminating between Lebanese and non-Lebanese, but this decision, of course, did apply to them. So, most of them decided to "bite the wound” in other words, treat it at home, like Hamza, another Bangladeshi worker, who was injured in his face and hand in the Nabaa suburb and decided a week after the explosion to treat his injuries in one of the field clinics because they are free of charge.

The explosion claimed the lives of 11 Bangladeshi, Filipino and Ethiopian nationals.

Unlike Abedel and Hamza, 24-year-old Mekdes, an Ethiopian worker in a beauty shop in Gemmayze, was not panicking about going to the hospital, but about dying before being found.

"I heard a loud sound and glass shattering. Everyone ran away and I was left alone on the shop floor. I didn't know what was happening and why I couldn't move." I did not think of anything except that I was alone, abandoned and forgotten, as if I were nothing," she said, stuttering.

Mekdes was able to go to the hospital with the help of a friend, but she was unable to get immediate treatment even though she had a head injury. “Take a (Panadol) pill, your injury is minor”, a hospital employee told her. He then added: "You should go to (Rafic Hariri) Hospital." She then went to another hospital, where she was treated.

Mekdes considers Beirut her second home. She has been working here for more than seven years. She is saddened by these words, but she says, with a smile: “Beirut is beautiful and will bounce back and become more beautiful. Perhaps, treating me is not a priority because I am Ethiopian."

Hundreds of workers lost their homes or part of them due to the explosion, especially those who live in areas close to the port, such as Nabaa, Sin el-Fil and Karm al-Zaytoun.

They had already been suffering from problems that were exacerbated by the dollar crisis and then the coronavirus epidemic. This had already pushed many of them to return to their country, and those who remained, either because they couldn’t buy tickets, as is the case for Abedel, or because they chose, like the Lebanese, to confront whatever comes next, as Mekdes said.



Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict


Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
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Sudan's Relentless War: A 70-Year Cycle of Conflict


Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)
Army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (left) and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, pictured during their alliance to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019 (AFP)

While world conflicts dominate headlines, Sudan’s deepening catastrophe is unfolding largely out of sight; a brutal war that has killed tens of thousands, displaced millions, and flattened entire cities and regions.

More than a year into the conflict, some observers question whether the international community has grown weary of Sudan’s seemingly endless cycles of violence. The country has endured nearly seven decades of civil war, and what is happening now is not an exception, but the latest chapter in a bloody history of rebellion and collapse.

The first of Sudan’s modern wars began even before the country gained independence from Britain. In 1955, army officer Joseph Lagu led the southern “Anyanya” rebellion, named after a venomous snake, launching a guerrilla war that would last until 1972.

A peace agreement brokered by the World Council of Churches and Ethiopia’s late Emperor Haile Selassie ended that conflict with the signing of the Addis Ababa Accord.

But peace proved short-lived. In 1983, then-president Jaafar Nimeiry reignited tensions by announcing the imposition of Islamic Sharia law, known as the “September Laws.” The move prompted the rise of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), led by John Garang, and a renewed southern insurgency that raged for more than two decades, outliving Nimeiry’s regime.

Under Omar al-Bashir, who seized power in a 1989 military coup, the war took on an Islamist tone. His government declared “jihad” and mobilized civilians in support of the fight, but failed to secure a decisive victory.

The conflict eventually gave way to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, better known as the Naivasha Agreement, which was brokered in Kenya and granted South Sudan the right to self-determination.

In 2011, more than 95% of South Sudanese voted to break away from Sudan, giving birth to the world’s newest country, the Republic of South Sudan. The secession marked the culmination of decades of war, which began with demands for a federal system and ended in full-scale conflict. The cost: over 2 million lives lost, and a once-unified nation split in two.

But even before South Sudan’s independence became reality, another brutal conflict had erupted in Sudan’s western Darfur region in 2003. Armed rebel groups from the region took up arms against the central government, accusing it of marginalization and neglect. What followed was a ferocious counterinsurgency campaign that drew global condemnation and triggered a major humanitarian crisis.

As violence escalated, the United Nations deployed one of its largest-ever peacekeeping missions, the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), in a bid to stem the bloodshed.

Despite multiple peace deals, including the Juba Agreement signed in October 2020 following the ousting of long-time Islamist ruler, Bashir, fighting never truly ceased.

The Darfur war alone left more than 300,000 people dead and millions displaced. The International Criminal Court charged Bashir and several top officials, including Ahmed Haroun and Abdel Raheem Muhammad Hussein, with war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Alongside the southern conflict, yet another war erupted in 2011, this time in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan and the Blue Nile region. The fighting was led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, head of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North (SPLM–N), a group composed largely of northern fighters who had sided with the South during the earlier civil war under John Garang.

The conflict broke out following contested elections marred by allegations of fraud, and Khartoum’s refusal to implement key provisions of the 2005 Naivasha Agreement, particularly those related to “popular consultations” in the two regions. More than a decade later, war still grips both areas, with no lasting resolution in sight.

Then came April 15, 2023. A fresh war exploded, this time in the heart of the capital, Khartoum, pitting the Sudanese Armed Forces against the powerful paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Now entering its third year, the conflict shows no signs of abating.

According to international reports, the war has killed more than 150,000 people and displaced around 13 million, the largest internal displacement crisis on the planet. Over 3 million Sudanese have fled to neighboring countries.

Large swathes of the capital lie in ruins, and entire states have been devastated. With Khartoum no longer viable as a seat of power, the government and military leadership have relocated to the Red Sea city of Port Sudan.

Unlike previous wars, Sudan’s current conflict has no real audience. Global pressure on the warring factions has been minimal. Media coverage is sparse. And despite warnings from the United Nations describing the crisis as “the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe,” Sudan's descent into chaos remains largely ignored by the international community.