Rifi to Asharq Al-Awsat: Iran, Syria behind Rafik Hariri’s Assassination

Lebanese men mourn at the graveside of Lebanese former PM Rafik Hariri on February 21, 2005 in Beirut, Lebanon. (Getty Images)
Lebanese men mourn at the graveside of Lebanese former PM Rafik Hariri on February 21, 2005 in Beirut, Lebanon. (Getty Images)
TT
20

Rifi to Asharq Al-Awsat: Iran, Syria behind Rafik Hariri’s Assassination

Lebanese men mourn at the graveside of Lebanese former PM Rafik Hariri on February 21, 2005 in Beirut, Lebanon. (Getty Images)
Lebanese men mourn at the graveside of Lebanese former PM Rafik Hariri on February 21, 2005 in Beirut, Lebanon. (Getty Images)

Lebanon is bracing for the verdict into the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri that will be announced by the UN-backed tribunal in The Hague on Tuesday. The entire country and region are waiting to see whether the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) will convict or acquit four Hezbollah members who have been indicted in the crime.

Former Lebanese Justice Minister Ashraf Rifi said the assassination was not a spur of the moment decision, but it was part of a “plot devised by the Iranian and Syrian regimes and carried out by Hezbollah with the support of Syrian intelligence.”

It is well known that Hariri’s life was threatened months before his murder on February 14, 2005 in a massive bombing in Beirut that killed 21 others. He became a target after he stepped down as premier in 2004.

Rifi, who also served as Internal Security Forces (ISF) chief and was part of the Hariri investigation in collecting evidence, told Asharq Al-Awsat: “The signs that he would be targeted began to emerge when ISF members in his security entourage were withdrawn.”

He added that he had twice personally informed the former PM of threats against his life, but he dismissed them because he had received international guarantees that he would not be harmed.

The Lebanese-Syrian security apparatus that had a complete stifling grip over Lebanon did not anticipate the local, regional and international uproar over the assassination. The reaction “confused” the security regime and prompted the United Nations Security Council to dispatch a fact-finding mission, headed by Peter FitzGerald, to Lebanon. After a one-month investigation, he concluded that the Lebanese judicial-security system was not qualified to look into the crime and he therefore, proposed the formation of an international probe.

Rifi, who acted as a liaison officer between the FitzGerald committee and Lebanese state, realized then that the investigation was in a race against time and that it was walking through a minefield. He spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat of the role of the ISF, which he headed soon after Syria withdrew its troops from Lebanon in April 2005. He highlighted the central role it played in assisting the international probe and protecting investigators and witnesses.

Rifi highlighted how Captain Wissam Eid succeeded, through his genius and high moral and national duty, in grasping the first and primary piece of evidence that led to the perpetrators by analyzing their telephone data. The breakthrough cost him his life as he was killed in a bombing in Beirut in 2008.

Rifi said Eid managed to pinpoint the users of telephone lines who were monitoring Hariri’s each and every move two months before his assassination. The lines were active and followed the former premier’s movement between the Keserouan region and his villa in Faqra. The lines were almost always active near his residence in Qoreitem in Beirut. The lines shut abruptly and permanently all at once just before the assassination.

Rifi said the process of uncovering who was behind those telephone lines took several long months. “We were very patient and operated on the basis that no crime is perfect.”

And then a breakthrough. In April 2006, Wissam al-Hassan, head of the intelligence bureau, came to Rifi’s office with the news that one of the shut telephone lines became active and carried out a single call from the eastern Bekaa region to a line in Beirut’s southern suburbs of Dahieh. “It was through this call that we were able to identify the owner of the line and the remaining conspirators,” recalled Rifi. Like Eid, Hassan was awarded for his feat with a bombing that claimed his life in Beirut in 2012.

Saad Hariri, the slain premier’s son, was informed of the details of the investigation. Saad would follow in his father’s footsteps and enter Lebanon’s fraught political scene. He became head of the Mustaqbal movement, was elected to parliament and headed a number of governments.

Rifi informed Saad that his father’s killers were members of Hezbollah’s security apparatus. At this, Saad telephoned Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah and demanded that a meeting between him and Hassan be arranged immediately, said Rifi.

Indeed, Hassan met with Nasrallah and informed him about the leads in the investigation, demanding an explanation. Twenty-four hours later, Nasrallah arranged a meeting for him with a party security official known as Abou Ali. Hassan again briefed him on the probe and the damning findings. Abou Ali claimed that the Hezbollah security cell was at the scene of the assassination and was following Hariri’s movement because it was monitoring Israeli agents. The weak justifications were not convincing, said Rifi.

Amid negotiations with the party over this issue, the July 2006 war suddenly erupted and contacts with Hezbollah came to a complete halt, he added. Even after the war, contacts remained severed, significantly after Shiite ministers resigned months later from then Prime Minister Fuad Siniora’s government.

Amid the severed communication with Hezbollah, the Lebanese security team presented its findings to the international investigation, which was then led by Belgian Serge Brammertz. Rifi noted that the probe made little progress at the time. Brammertz resigned soon after and was succeeded by Canadian prosecutor Daniel Bellemare, who positively assessed the findings. He said the evidence was objective and scientific and soon after the probe began to zero in on the suspects. The suspects were soon indicted and the STL trials kicked off.

Rifi detailed a significant part of the case. He recounted how one day a secret witness came to his office. A resident of the northern city of Tripoli, he did not disclose his identity, but gave accurate information about a person who had approached Palestinian Ahmed Abou Adas. Abou Adas had famously filmed a video claiming responsibility for the Hariri bombing, but it was soon dismissed.

The secret witness said the unidentified person would meet with Abou Adas at a mosque in Beirut and would ask him to teach him about Islam. Days later, that same person would visit Abou Adas’ house and request that he accompany him somewhere. Two weeks later, Hariri was assassinated and Abou Adas disappeared without a trace. The investigation would later find out that the man who approached Abou Adas at the mosque was Assad Sabra, one of the four Hezbollah members indicted in the assassination. No trace of Abou Adas was found at the blast site.

Rifi stressed to Asharq Al-Awsat that an assassination of such a massive scale and with such major repercussions could not have been decided by Hezbollah alone. It is a product of joint decision taken by the Iranian and Syrian regimes that tasked the party’s security apparatus to carry it out.



UN Envoy to Sudan: Foreign Arms Fuel Military Illusions, Prolong War

The United Nations’ special envoy to Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra (UN Photo) 
The United Nations’ special envoy to Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra (UN Photo) 
TT
20

UN Envoy to Sudan: Foreign Arms Fuel Military Illusions, Prolong War

The United Nations’ special envoy to Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra (UN Photo) 
The United Nations’ special envoy to Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra (UN Photo) 

The United Nations’ special envoy to Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra, has issued a stark warning about the continued flow of weapons into the war-torn country, saying it only “feeds military delusions” and delays peace.

In his first in-depth interview since assuming the role earlier this year, Lamamra told Asharq Al-Awsat that peace in Sudan cannot be imposed from outside but must be forged by Sudanese themselves through collective will and unity.

“Peace is not imposed, it is made,” he said. “And if Sudanese do not make it, it will not come to them from the outside.”

Lamamra, an Algerian diplomat and former foreign minister with decades of experience in African mediation, emphasized that no military solution is possible in Sudan’s conflict. Instead, he called for an urgent political settlement, warning that “each day of delay means more fragmentation, more bloodshed.”

Following meetings in Port Sudan with Sovereign Council leader Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and ongoing communications with the leadership of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), Lamamra acknowledged that the path to peace remains long and difficult.

He condemned what he described as a dangerous “logic of dominance” driving the conflict—a belief that complete military victory is possible, regardless of the cost to Sudan’s social fabric. “Some actors still think peace can wait until one side wins,” he said. “But that’s a delusion. There is no military solution.”

Instead, he stressed: “Sudan needs a political solution based on compromise, not revenge.”

Since taking office, Lamamra has focused on coordinating rather than expanding international mediation efforts. He voiced concern about the “overcrowding of mediators,” which he said has allowed Sudanese factions to exploit international divisions.

To address this, Lamamra launched a consultative group that includes the African Union, the Arab League, and peace-sponsoring countries. The group has met in Cairo, Djibouti, and Mauritania and plans to convene again in Brussels under EU sponsorship.

“What we need is not more mediators, but consensus around a unified vision,” he said. “Multiple tracks have allowed some parties to bet on contradictory international positions, delaying serious efforts toward peace.”

He pointed to UN Security Council Resolution 2724, which tasked him with coordinating peace efforts, emphasizing that its implementation hinges on aligning international efforts behind a single, realistic peace strategy.

Asked whether Sudan’s war has faded from global attention, Lamamra acknowledged that media coverage may fluctuate but said the humanitarian catastrophe continues to deepen.

“The suffering is daily and ongoing,” he said, highlighting the dire conditions in North Darfur and the rapidly deteriorating situation in Zamzam camp. “The tragedy breaks the heart.”

With over 13 million internally displaced and millions more seeking refuge abroad, Lamamra described Sudan as the site of the world’s largest humanitarian crisis today. “This is a country under siege by arms, division, and international silence,” he said.

He praised the special attention paid by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who has longstanding ties to Sudan dating back to his leadership of the UN refugee agency.

Lamamra was especially vocal about the dangerous role of foreign military support. “Feeding the war with weapons is not support for resolution—it is participation in prolonging delusion and division,” he said.

He accused some regional and international actors of backing Sudanese factions in hopes of future influence. “They forget that war leaves nothing intact to control,” he noted. “It’s in no one’s interest to see Sudan collapse.”

The envoy reiterated the UN’s calls for a total halt to arms shipments and strict enforcement of Security Council resolutions aimed at cutting off military funding.

Despite international interference, Lamamra emphasized that the ultimate responsibility for ending the war lies with Sudanese themselves. “History will judge them first and foremost,” he underlined.

Lamamra said the Jeddah Declaration—an agreement brokered by Saudi Arabia to ensure humanitarian access and civilian protection—remains a viable starting point for peace efforts. He commended Riyadh’s efforts and urged regional actors to intensify pressure on warring factions.

He also pointed to the upcoming Arab League summit in Baghdad as a potential turning point. “Sudan is central to the Arab identity. This is not a crisis that allows for neutrality,” he said.

In a direct message to the Sudanese public, Lamamra expressed admiration for their resilience. “I visited Port Sudan recently and met with leaders and citizens. I was moved by their hospitality and strong will to take charge of their future,” he said.

He pledged the UN’s continued support, acknowledging the scale of the humanitarian challenge: “Children, women, and innocent civilians are being stripped of life’s basic necessities. This crisis demands a moral awakening—not just from governments, but from everyone who hears and sees.”

Lamamra concluded: “Peace is not a one-time event—it’s a long-term project. And if we don’t begin now, there may be nothing left to build on in a few months.”