Analysis: Lebanon Races towards Complete Collapse

A view shows damages at the site of a massive explosion in Beirut's port area, as part of the city's skyline in seen in the background, in Beirut, Lebanon August 12, 2020. (Reuters)
A view shows damages at the site of a massive explosion in Beirut's port area, as part of the city's skyline in seen in the background, in Beirut, Lebanon August 12, 2020. (Reuters)
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Analysis: Lebanon Races towards Complete Collapse

A view shows damages at the site of a massive explosion in Beirut's port area, as part of the city's skyline in seen in the background, in Beirut, Lebanon August 12, 2020. (Reuters)
A view shows damages at the site of a massive explosion in Beirut's port area, as part of the city's skyline in seen in the background, in Beirut, Lebanon August 12, 2020. (Reuters)

Lebanon is standing at a crossroads where it is expected to choose its fate after reaching the point of no return on all levels: political, after the vast majority of the people lost faith in the ruling class that has been in power for 30 years; economic, after the collapse of the national currency; and security, after the cataclysmic Beirut port explosion and the state’s clear inability in controlling both its legal and illegal border crossings.

Lebanon, or rather the Lebanese state, managed to overcome the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) verdict hurdle. The court is looking into the 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. There were fears that this week’s verdict would lead to negative reactions in the streets after a Hezbollah member was convicted of the crime. However, the verdict was released without incident in Lebanon. It remains doubtful that local authorities will ever arrest the convict, Salim Ayyash, amid Hezbollah’s declaration that it is not concerned with the STL and therefore, is not concerned with its verdict. Ayyash alone was convicted of the crime, while the STL acquitted three other Hezbollah members – Hassan Merhi, Assad Sabra and Hassan Oneissi – due to a lack of evidence.

2 loopholes in the verdict
Lebanese international law and constitutional expert, Dr. Shafik al-Masri spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat about “two main loopholes in the STL verdict.” The first, he said, was the failure to announce the responsibilities senior Hezbollah operative, Mustafa Badreddine, played in the assassination. Badreddine was assassinated in Syria in 2016.

The second loophole, he added, is the acquittal of the three suspects even though the verdict noted their role in the telecommunications data. Therefore, their very participation in the operation, even if they did not know who the target was, makes them responsible, said Masri.

Moreover, he stressed the need to read the entire verdict, not just its final ruling. He stressed that the verdict clearly states that Hariri’s assassination was politically motivated and linked to Syria. The verdict said the decision to kill the former PM was taken after two developments: the Bristol 3 meeting that called for Syria to withdraw its forces from Lebanon and Hariri’s meeting with Syrian Foreign Minister Walid al-Muallem during which complaints were voiced over Syria’s position in Lebanon.

Masri said people criticized the STL for failing to clearly announce who ordered the assassination, however, international tribunals do not have the jurisdiction to issue verdicts against organizations or states. The clear mentioning of Syria in the verdict is tantamount to condemnation against it, he explained.

On Ayyash’s potential arrest, Masri said that this is up to the new Lebanese government that is yet to be formed. The government will have to demonstrate its seriousness before the local and international public that it will carry out its duty in this regard. The STL may refer the issue to Interpol after Ayyash’s sentence is announce. Interpol could then track him down and arrest him, he explained, citing previous examples.

Port blast and escaping blame
If Lebanon is likely to overcome the repercussions of the STL verdict, then it will no doubt be unable to shake off the aftermath of the August 4 Beirut port blast, which has to date claimed the lives of at least 180 people, injured thousands and left 300,000 homeless. Investigations are ongoing in the explosion, but they are almost exclusively limited to security and administrative officials at the port.

Several political powers have expressed their lack of faith in any local probe, demanding an international investigation. This demand will probably stumble at President Michel Aoun, and his ally Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah, who have rejected it.

As of this week, Judge Fadi Sawwan has issued numerous arrest warrants in the investigation, with Beirut Port General Manager Hassan Koraytem and Director General of Lebanese Customs Badri Daher among the most prominent officials included. Sawwan is still focusing his investigation on the negligence that allowed 2,750 tons of highly-explosive ammonium nitrate to remain at the port for seven years. As for the cause of the blast, the judge is awaiting reports from explosive experts, significantly from French and FBI experts, who are helping the Lebanese team.

At any rate, many in Lebanon fear that blame for the blast will be limited to port authorities, not the judges or ministers who knew of the dangerous stockpile of ammonium nitrate at the hangar 12. Retired general Dr. Mohammed Rammal told Asharq Al-Awsat that several different security agencies oversee security at the port. Even civil authorities are involved. However, uncovered correspondence revealed that security, civil and judicial authorities all knew about the stockpile. This demands that a number of judges be probed. Rammal explained that security forces do not have the authority to move products at the port, but rather they need authorization that is granted by the concerned judiciary.

It appears the political powers will not be able to shirk their responsibilities from the blast given the massive pressure they are under from the people. Furthermore, Rammal said that the arrest of the chief of Lebanese Customs will inevitably lead to an immediate probe of the finance minister, seeing as the customs authority is directly answerable to his ministry.

New government after US elections?
The investigations into the port blast are taking place in the absence of a capable government. Prime Minister Hassan Diab quit after the explosion and is now heading a caretaker cabinet. The absence of a government does not seem to concern the political powers, who are embroiled in their usual bickering, ignoring international pressure that is demanding the formation of a neutral cabinet that is committed to much-needed political and economic reform.

At the moment, the March 8 camp, led by the “Shiite duo” of Hezbollah and the Amal movement, and their ally Aoun, refuses the formation of an independent government. It is insisting on a political national unity government, which is rejected by the opposition, especially the Mustaqbal Movement, headed by former PM Saad Hariri, who is the strongest contender to lead the new cabinet. These disputes mean that the government will not be formed any time soon, said Dr. Sami Nader, director of the Levant Institute for Strategic Affairs.

He predicted that the Diab government will continue to operate in a caretaker capacity until “at least” the American presidential elections in November. He told Asharq Al-Awsat: “The government formation process is now in the Iranian-American court.” He explained that Washington is waiting on Tehran to come to the negotiations table in order to discuss pending issues between them, including Lebanon. Iran, however, will not approach it before the elections, significantly since recent polls show that President Donald Trump’s chances of reelection are slim.

Nader dismissed reports of a French-Iranian initiative that would lead to the formation of a new government. He stressed that the Americans are the ones holding the Lebanese “card”, while the French are simply playing the role of facilitator or mediator.

Lebanon can only see its way out of the crisis through a government that does not include the current political class. Only then will it be able to address the catastrophe caused by the Beirut blast and exert serious efforts in putting an end to the economic freefall. Resolving the economic crisis cannot take place without international help and the success of negotiations with the International Monetary Fund. “A national unity government or the government of deception – meaning technocrat that the political elite will be controlling behind the scenes – are doomed to fail and rejected by the international community,” Nader said.



Will Ahmadinejad Return to the Political Scene in Iran?

Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (AFP)
Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (AFP)
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Will Ahmadinejad Return to the Political Scene in Iran?

Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (AFP)
Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. (AFP)

A report by The Atlantic said the strike that hit a region close to Iranian former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s residence in the first days of the war on Iran has returned to the spotlight a still controversial political figure even though he left office for over a decade ago.

On the first day of the Iran war, the assassination of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei overshadowed news of a strike near Ahmadinejad’s home, said the report.

“Many who remembered his term in office - marked by Holocaust denial, atom-bomb fetishism, and shoving revolutionary ideology down the throats of a country already weary of it - celebrated his reported assassination,” it added. He was president from 2005 to 2013.

“Among those who have followed Ahmadinejad’s post-presidential career, however, his targeting was more of an enigma. Since leaving office, Ahmadinejad has harshly criticized the Iranian government, and as a result, Iran’s Guardian Council has formally excluded him from running for president,” said the report.

For more than a decade, he has been known more as a regime opponent than as a supporter. “I don’t understand why Israel would want to kill him in the first place,” Meir Javedanfar, who co-wrote a biography of Ahmadinejad, told The Atlantic. “Perhaps to settle scores? It makes no sense.”

Contrary to early reports, Ahmadinejad is alive, his associates revealed, requesting anonymity. “The circumstances of his survival may prove significant as the war drags on. Whatever the intent, Ahmadinejad’s associates say the strike was in effect a jailbreak operation that freed the former president from regime control.”

“Long before the war, the government had posted a small number of bodyguards near Ahmadinejad, nominally to protect a prominent citizen but also to keep tabs on him. The regime has never been sure what to do with him,” said the report.

About a month ago, after the January protests, his freedom of movement was further reduced, his phones confiscated, and the contingent of bodyguards increased from single digits to about 50. The bodyguards were based a few hundred meters from Ahmadinejad’s residence itself, at the entrance to a cul-de-sac in Narmak, in northeast Tehran. They established a checkpoint to monitor the houses and high school on that street.

“A February 28 strike hit not the residence, but the security forces nearby. In the ensuing mayhem, Ahmadinejad and his family evidently escaped their home and went underground. The government believed he had died, and his death was announced by official channels, as well as the reformist daily Sharq.”

“When rumors arose that Ahmadinejad had escaped, regime elements immediately suspected that he had been spirited away to take part in a coup,” said The Atlantic. “Ahmadinejad’s only public statement since the attack has been a brief eulogy for the supreme leader, calculated to show that Ahmadinejad was alive and to dispel speculation that he had declared himself an enemy of the state. His location is unknown to the government.”

In 2018, former Defense Minister Hussein Dehghan likened Ahmadinejad to “the door of the mosque, which can’t be burned or thrown away” without torching the mosque itself.

“Arresting Ahmadinejad could unsettle the regime,” Javedanfar said. “He knows a hell of a lot about it.”

“Ahmadinejad’s fans say that he has popular support, and that any postwar government will want him around to lend that support. If the current regime survives, it will need all the legitimacy it can get. If it does not, the United States might need someone with intimate - if outdated - knowledge of the Iranian state to be involved with what comes next. Ahmadinejad could still be useful,” the report said.


How Have US Presidents Tapped Strategic Petroleum Reserves During War?

GILLETT, TEXAS - MARCH 11: Pump jacks operate in a field on March 11, 2026 in Gillett, Texas. Brandon Bell/Getty Images/AFP
GILLETT, TEXAS - MARCH 11: Pump jacks operate in a field on March 11, 2026 in Gillett, Texas. Brandon Bell/Getty Images/AFP
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How Have US Presidents Tapped Strategic Petroleum Reserves During War?

GILLETT, TEXAS - MARCH 11: Pump jacks operate in a field on March 11, 2026 in Gillett, Texas. Brandon Bell/Getty Images/AFP
GILLETT, TEXAS - MARCH 11: Pump jacks operate in a field on March 11, 2026 in Gillett, Texas. Brandon Bell/Getty Images/AFP

The US plans to release 172 million barrels of oil from its Strategic Petroleum Reserve, more than 40% of a wider release coordinated with allies, to help dampen prices spiked by supply disruptions from the US-Israeli war on Iran.

The US sale, announced late on Wednesday, is part of a 400-million-barrel release by members of the International Energy Agency. The US Department of Energy said the US drawdown would begin next week and take about four months.

The SPR currently holds about 415 million barrels, most of which is high sulfur, or sour ‌crude, that US ‌refineries are geared to process. The crude is ‌held ⁠underground in hollowed-out salt ⁠caverns on the coasts of Texas and Louisiana that can store 714 million barrels.

Here is how US presidents have tapped the SPR in times of war:

RUSSIA INVADES UKRAINE

In March 2022, the month after Russia invaded Ukraine, former President Joe Biden ordered the release of 180 million barrels over six months - the largest sale ever from the emergency stash. Biden, ⁠and later President Donald Trump, slowly bought some oil ‌to replenish the reserves, but little ‌has been added back as Congress needs to provide more money to ‌do so.

LIBYA CIVIL WAR

In ⁠June 2011, former ⁠President Barack Obama ordered the release of 30 million barrels of oil from the reserve to offset disruptions to global markets from civil war in oil producer Libya. That sale was coordinated with the Paris-based IEA, resulting in an additional 30-million-barrel release from other member countries.

OPERATION DESERT STORM

In 1990-1991, after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, former President George H. W. Bush sold about 21 million barrels in two phases. In October 1990, the US ordered a 3.9-million-barrel test sale. In January 1991, after US and allied warplanes began attacks against Baghdad and other military targets in OPEC-member Iraq as part of Operation Desert Storm, Bush ordered the sale of 34 million barrels, of which half was sold.


How Trump and his Advisers Miscalculated Iran’s Response to War

Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said the administration “had a strong game plan” before the war broke out. Doug Mills/The New York Times
Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said the administration “had a strong game plan” before the war broke out. Doug Mills/The New York Times
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How Trump and his Advisers Miscalculated Iran’s Response to War

Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said the administration “had a strong game plan” before the war broke out. Doug Mills/The New York Times
Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said the administration “had a strong game plan” before the war broke out. Doug Mills/The New York Times

By Mark Mazzetti, Tyler Pager, Edward Wong

On Feb. 18, as President Trump weighed whether to launch military attacks on Iran, Chris Wright, the energy secretary, told an interviewer he was not concerned that the looming war might disrupt oil supplies in the Middle East and wreak havoc in energy markets.

Even during the Israeli and US strikes against Iran last June, Wright said, there had been little disruption in the markets. “Oil prices blipped up and then went back down,” he said.

Some of Trump’s other advisers shared similar views in private, dismissing warnings that — the second time around — Iran might wage economic warfare by closing shipping lanes carrying roughly 20% of the world’s oil supply.

The extent of that miscalculation was laid bare in recent days, as Iran threatened to fire at commercial oil tankers transiting the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic choke point through which all ships must pass on their way out of the Arabian Gulf.

In response to the Iranian threats, commercial shipping has come to a standstill in the Gulf, oil prices have spiked, and the Trump administration has scrambled to find ways to tamp down an economic crisis that has triggered higher gasoline prices for Americans.

The episode is emblematic of how much Trump and his advisers misjudged how Iran would respond to a conflict that the government in Tehran sees as an existential threat.

Iran has responded far more aggressively than it did during last June’s 12-day war, firing barrages of missiles and drones at US military bases, cities in Arab nations across the Middle East, and on Israeli population centers.

US officials have had to adjust plans on the fly, from hastily ordering the evacuation of embassies to developing policy proposals to reduce gas prices.

After Trump administration officials gave a closed-door briefing to lawmakers on Tuesday, Senator Christopher S. Murphy, Democrat of Connecticut, said on social media that the administration had no plan for the Strait of Hormuz and did “not know how to get it safely back open.”

Inside the administration, some officials are growing pessimistic about the lack of a clear strategy to finish the war. But they have been careful not to express that directly to the president, who has repeatedly declared that the military operation is a complete success.

Trump has laid out maximalist goals like insisting that Iran name a leader who will submit to him, while Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth have described narrower and more tactical objectives that could provide an off-ramp in the near term.

Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said the administration “had a strong game plan” before the war broke out, and vowed that oil prices would drop after it ended.

“The purposeful disruption in the oil market by the Iranian regime is short term, and necessary for the long-term gain of wiping out these terrorists and the threat they pose to America and the world,” she said in a statement.

This article is based on interviews with a dozen US officials, who asked for anonymity to discuss private conversations.

‘Show Some Guts’

Hegseth acknowledged on Tuesday that Iran’s ferocious response against its neighbors caught the Pentagon somewhat off guard. But he insisted that Iran’s actions were backfiring.

“I can’t say that we anticipated necessarily that’s exactly how they would react, but we knew it was a possibility,” Hegseth said at a Pentagon news conference. “I think it was a demonstration of the desperation of the regime.”

Trump has displayed growing frustration over how the war is disrupting the oil supply, telling Fox News that oil tanker crews should “show some guts” and sail through the Strait of Hormuz.

Some military advisers did warn before the war that Iran could launch an aggressive campaign in response, and would view the US-Israeli attack as a threat to its existence. But other advisers remained confident that killing Iran’s senior leadership would lead to more pragmatic leaders taking over who might bring an end to the war.

When Trump was briefed about risks that oil prices could rise in the event of war, he acknowledged the possibility but downplayed it as a short-term concern that should not overshadow the mission to decapitate the Iranian regime. He directed Wright and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to work on developing options for a potential spike in prices.

But the president did not speak publicly about these options — including political risk insurance backed by the US government, and the potential of US Navy escorts — until more than 48 hours after the conflict started. The escorts have not yet taken place.

As the conflict has roiled global markets, Republicans in Washington have grown concerned about rising oil prices damaging their efforts to sell an economic agenda to voters ahead of the midterm elections.

Trump, both publicly and privately, has been arguing that Venezuelan oil could help solve any shocks coming from the Iran war. The administration announced on Tuesday a new refinery in Texas that officials said could help increase oil supply, ensuring that Iran does not cause any long-term damage to oil markets.

A Potential Off-Ramp

Trump has said both that the war could go on for more than a month and that it was “very complete, pretty much.” He also said the United States would “go forward more determined than ever.”

Rubio and Hegseth, however, appear to have coordinated their messaging for now on three discrete goals that they began laying out in public remarks on Monday and Tuesday.

“The goals of this mission are clear,” Rubio said at a State Department event on Monday before Trump held his own news conference. “It is to destroy the ability of this regime to launch missiles, both by destroying their missiles and their launchers; destroy the factories that make these missiles; and destroy their navy.”

The State Department even laid out the three goals in bullet-point fashion, and highlighted a video clip of Rubio stating them on an official social media account.

The presentation by Rubio, who is also the White House national security adviser, appeared to be setting the stage for the president to bring an end to the war sooner rather than later. In his news conference, Trump boasted of how the US military had already destroyed Iran’s ballistic missile capability and its navy. But he also warned of even more aggressive action if Iranian leaders tried to cut off the world’s energy supply.

Matthew Pottinger, who was a deputy national security adviser in the first Trump administration, said in an interview that Mr. Trump had indicated he could decide to pursue ambitions war goals that would take weeks at least.

“In his press conference, I could hear him circling back to a rationale for fighting a bit longer given that the regime is still signaling it won’t be deterred and is still trying to control the Strait of Hormuz,” said Pottinger, now the chair of the China program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a group that advocates a close US partnership with Israel and confrontation with Iran.

“He doesn’t want to have to fight a ‘sequel’ war,” Pottinger added.

The search for pathways out of the war has gained urgency since the weekend, as global oil prices surge and as the United States burns through costly munitions.

Pentagon officials said in recent closed-door briefings on Capitol Hill that the military used up $5.6 billion of munitions in the first two days of the war alone, according to three congressional officials. That is a far larger amount and munitions burn rate than had been publicly disclosed. The Washington Post reported on the figure on Monday.

Iranian officials have remained defiant, saying they will use their leverage over the world’s oil supply to force the United States and Israel to blink.

“Strait of Hormuz will either be a Strait of peace and prosperity for all,” Ali Larijani, Iran’s top national security official, said in a social media post on Tuesday. “Or it will be a Strait of defeat and suffering for warmongers.”

The New York Times