Iraq Reforms Stymied by Shadowy Groups' Wave of Attacks

Destruction at Karbala airport in the Iraqi city, an area targeted by US military airstrikes in March against a pro-Iranian group in Iraq following the deaths of two Americans and a Briton in a rocket attack on a US base in Taji, north of Baghdad | AFP
Destruction at Karbala airport in the Iraqi city, an area targeted by US military airstrikes in March against a pro-Iranian group in Iraq following the deaths of two Americans and a Briton in a rocket attack on a US base in Taji, north of Baghdad | AFP
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Iraq Reforms Stymied by Shadowy Groups' Wave of Attacks

Destruction at Karbala airport in the Iraqi city, an area targeted by US military airstrikes in March against a pro-Iranian group in Iraq following the deaths of two Americans and a Briton in a rocket attack on a US base in Taji, north of Baghdad | AFP
Destruction at Karbala airport in the Iraqi city, an area targeted by US military airstrikes in March against a pro-Iranian group in Iraq following the deaths of two Americans and a Briton in a rocket attack on a US base in Taji, north of Baghdad | AFP

War-scarred Iraq hopes to launch reforms and revive its battered economy, but the drive is being derailed by a wave of violence blamed largely on shadowy pro-Iranian groups.

Since Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi took office in May, he has promised to rein in rogue militias, fight corruption, and roll out long-awaited restructuring after years of war and insurgency.

But the closer his government gets to its stated aims, the more armed actors with suspected links to Washington's arch-enemy Tehran are lashing out, AFP quoted top Iraqi officials and analysts as saying.

"Every time these groups see us getting close to their military or economic interests, they either launch rockets or propaganda campaigns to distract us," said one senior government official.

Violence, already rising before Kadhemi met US President Donald Trump in Washington in mid-August, has only flared further.

On September 3, an attack targeted the Baghdad headquarters of British-American security company G4S. One intelligence official told AFP a drone had dropped a small explosive charge on the building.

No faction claimed responsibility, but Tehran-backed groups had accused G4S of complicity in January's US drone strike that killed Iran's top general Qasem Soleimani in Baghdad.

Days earlier, a UN worker was wounded when an improvised explosive device detonated underneath an aid convoy in the northern city of Mosul.

A faction identifying itself as part of the "Islamic resistance" -- a catch-all phrase for pro-Iran factions -- took responsibility, accusing the UN of using its convoys to transport American spies.

"Your vehicles will burn in the streets of Iraq," it threatened online.

- Smokescreen -

A half-dozen previously unheard-of such factions have made similar threats in recent months under the "Islamic resistance" banner, but officials say they are a smokescreen.

"Five groups, including Kataeb Hezbollah, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and others, are behind the recent instability across the country," an Iraqi intelligence officer said.

These hardline groups are members of Iraq's Hashed al-Shaabi (Popular Mobilization Forces), a state-sponsored network dominated by factions close to Iran and wary of the United States.

US officials have made similar accusations, naming Kataeb Hezbollah and Asaib Ahl al-Haq as the real perpetrators of rocket attacks on American installations in Iraq.

"They declared a unified front after Soleimani's killing and began working under pseudonyms, which allowed the government of PM Adel Abdel Mahdi to save face as they were nominally under his command," the Iraqi official said.

The same groups had accused Kadhimi of plotting against Soleimani when the former was Iraq's top intelligence official and were furious when he rose to become premier.

They have understood Kadhimi's pledges to reign in armed groups as an attempt to clip their wings, officials and experts have told AFP.

Beyond escalating rocket attacks, the groups have also ramped up pressure through unconventional media outlets.

Anonymous channels on messaging application Telegram publish taunting warnings of attacks on military convoys well before they happen, deepening a sense of impunity.

The same forums have targeted Iraqi television channels critical of Iran.

Dijla TV was torched last week after the Telegram channels turned on them, and a new wave of threats have targeted Sunni-owned UTV.

The campaign began after the US government seized the website domains of Al-Etejah, an Iraqi television station linked to Kataeb Hezbollah.

- 'Putting out fires' -

The government is not looking for a direct confrontation with these groups, said Kadhimi's spokesman Ahmad Mulla.

"Instead, we are looking to dry up their funding resources by targeting border crossings," used for lucrative smuggling from Iran, Mulla told AFP.

Officials knew this could be dangerous. When the PM launched a sweeping anti-corruption campaign on Iraq's porous borders, they braced for the worst.

"They will blackmail officials, threaten their families, mobilize the tribes and maybe even commit assassinations," one senior official told AFP in July.

Indeed, two anti-government activists were gunned down weeks later in the southern port city of Basra, and tribal violence erupted north of Baghdad.

"We are constantly putting out fires, so we can't properly focus on the bigger strategy," another Iraqi official said, about Baghdad's efforts to reform the state and revitalize an economy hit by the Covid-19 pandemic and low oil prices.

A third official told AFP that Iraq's Finance Minister Ali Allawi missed his August 24 deadline to submit an economic reform plan to parliament because of the recent tumult.

Last week, Kadhimi set up an anti-corruption council, authorizing the elite troops of the Counter-Terrorism Service to arrest officials usually considered too senior to touch.

His forces also carried out search operations in Basra and Baghdad to seize unlicensed arms, but few have turned up.

Iraqi security expert Fadel Abou Raghif said the situation was "dangerous".

"Ultimately, Kadhimi should open a real dialogue with the spiritual leaders of these groups to avoid a clash."



Syria: Elaborate Military Tunnel Complex Linked to Assad's Palace

A fighter affiliated with Syria's new administration carries the decapitated head of an equestrian statue of Bassel al-Assad, brother of toppled president Bashar al-Assad, removed from the abandoned Republican Guard base on Mount Qasyun. Bakr ALKASEM / AFP
A fighter affiliated with Syria's new administration carries the decapitated head of an equestrian statue of Bassel al-Assad, brother of toppled president Bashar al-Assad, removed from the abandoned Republican Guard base on Mount Qasyun. Bakr ALKASEM / AFP
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Syria: Elaborate Military Tunnel Complex Linked to Assad's Palace

A fighter affiliated with Syria's new administration carries the decapitated head of an equestrian statue of Bassel al-Assad, brother of toppled president Bashar al-Assad, removed from the abandoned Republican Guard base on Mount Qasyun. Bakr ALKASEM / AFP
A fighter affiliated with Syria's new administration carries the decapitated head of an equestrian statue of Bassel al-Assad, brother of toppled president Bashar al-Assad, removed from the abandoned Republican Guard base on Mount Qasyun. Bakr ALKASEM / AFP

On the slopes of Mount Qasyun which overlooks Damascus, a network of tunnels links a military complex, tasked with defending the Syrian capital, to the presidential palace facing it.
The tunnels, seen by an AFP correspondent, are among secrets of president Bashar al-Assad's rule exposed since the opposition toppled him on December 8.

"We entered this enormous barracks of the Republican Guard after the liberation" of Damascus sent Assad fleeing to Moscow, said Mohammad Abu Salim, a military official from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the dominant group in the alliance that overthrew Assad.

"We found a vast network of tunnels which lead to the presidential palace" on a neighboring hill, Salim said.

During Assad's rule, Qasyun was off limits to the people of Damascus because it was an ideal location for snipers -- the great view includes the presidential palaces and other government buildings.

It was also from this mountain that artillery units for years pounded opposition-held areas at the gates of the capital.

An AFP correspondent entered the Guard complex of two bunkers containing vast rooms reserved for its soldiers. The bunkers were equipped with telecommunications gear, electricity, a ventilation system and weapons supplies.

Other simpler tunnels were dug out of the rock to hold ammunition.

Despite such elaborate facilities, Syria's army collapsed, with troops abandoning tanks and other gear as opposition fighters advanced from their northern stronghold to the capital in less than two weeks,.

On the grounds of the Guard complex a statue of the president's brother Bassel al-Assad, atop a horse, has been toppled and Bassel's head severed.

Bassel al-Assad died in a 1994 road accident. He had been the presumed successor to his father Hafez al-Assad who set up the paranoid, secretive, repressive system of government that Bashar inherited when his father died in 2000.

In the immense Guard camp now, former opposition fighters use pictures of Bashar al-Assad and his father for target practice.

Tanks and heavy weapons still sit under arched stone shelters.

Resembling a macabre outdoor art installation, large empty rusted barrels with attached fins pointing skyward are lined up on the ground, their explosives further away.

"The regime used these barrels to bomb civilians in the north of Syria," Abu Salim said.

The United Nations denounced Bashar's use of such weapons dropped from helicopters or airplanes against civilian areas held by Assad's opponents during Syria's years-long civil war that began in 2011.