Testimony of Syrian ‘Gravedigger’ at German Court Rivals Horrors of Nazi Crimes

An installation of 49 figures dressed with cloth of torture victims, by Syrian artist Khaled Barakeh, stands in front of a Koblenz courtroom during the first trial against suspected members of Syrian president Bashar Assad's security services for crimes against humanity in Koblenz, Germany, July 1, 2020. (Reuters)
An installation of 49 figures dressed with cloth of torture victims, by Syrian artist Khaled Barakeh, stands in front of a Koblenz courtroom during the first trial against suspected members of Syrian president Bashar Assad's security services for crimes against humanity in Koblenz, Germany, July 1, 2020. (Reuters)
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Testimony of Syrian ‘Gravedigger’ at German Court Rivals Horrors of Nazi Crimes

An installation of 49 figures dressed with cloth of torture victims, by Syrian artist Khaled Barakeh, stands in front of a Koblenz courtroom during the first trial against suspected members of Syrian president Bashar Assad's security services for crimes against humanity in Koblenz, Germany, July 1, 2020. (Reuters)
An installation of 49 figures dressed with cloth of torture victims, by Syrian artist Khaled Barakeh, stands in front of a Koblenz courtroom during the first trial against suspected members of Syrian president Bashar Assad's security services for crimes against humanity in Koblenz, Germany, July 1, 2020. (Reuters)

The “gravedigger’s” testimony at the Syrian war crimes trial in Germany created shock in the courtroom as he gave his horrific account of crimes committed by the regime. The grisly details brought to mind the familiar horrors of Nazi crimes, leaving the courtroom reeling.

The “gravedigger”, whose identity remains concealed at the hearing, said he continues to be haunted by the mass graves he dug for the victims killed by the Syrian regime during the nearly decade-long conflict. One image that has been etched in his memory is that of a deceased, woman who was still hugging her dead child, whom he lowered into a mass grave in Damascus.

Recalling such horrors, the witness broke down in tears before the court. The presiding judge at the Koblenz court adjourned the session until he could collect himself. Once resumed, the “gravedigger” recalled another horrific image, that of a man piled onto hundreds or even thousands of corpses, who was still breathing. The supervising Syrian officer noticed that he was still alive and ordered the vehicle that was digging up the grave to run him over, turning him into yet another corpse in the mass grave.

Such stories went on throughout the gravedigger’s three-hour testimony.

The unprecedented court is trying former Syrian intelligence senior officer Anwar Raslan and former officer Eyad al-Gharib for crimes against humanity committed in Syria after the 2011 uprising. The trial kicked off four months ago and is the first against security officials in Bashar Assad’s regimes for crimes against humanity. Raslan and Gharib are still the only two officials whom lawyers and Syrian and European activists have compiled complete cases against.

Raslan is accused of torturing some 4,000 people and killing 58 others at the Khatib detention center in Damascus. Gharib is accused of arresting protesters and turning them over to the center where they were tortured and sometimes killed.

Since the opening of the trial in Koblenz on April 23, the world listened with extreme shock to firsthand accounts of the horrors endured by the Syrian people for years: arbitrary arrests, severe torture, mass graves dug up by the regime…

Syrian lawyer Anwar al-Bunni had persuaded witnesses to testify at the court. He himself gave his testimony after spending years in jail in Syria. He is now living in Germany where he is working tirelessly to bring justice to the Syrian people.

He spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat of the German people’s shock to learn of the crimes that have been committed in Syria. Many have compared them to Nazi crimes and the Auschwitz trials.

“The greatest shock of all is that these crimes are still happening in Syria,” he added.

The “gravedigger”, he said, had continued to work on burying the detainees until 2017 when he left the country. He confirmed that these crimes are still being committed in Syrian jails.

The most significant revelation provided by the witness, added Bunni, was the “missing link”. He said that people have often wondered where the corpses were being buried. “What happens to the detainees when they enter the security department branches and then disappear?”

“We now know,” Bunni remarked. Most significant of all, he stressed, was that the gravedigger confirmed that all security departments throughout Syria were complicit in the systematic mass killing, meaning the whole regime is involved.

Many families of missing Syrians learned of the fate of their loved ones after seeing photographs of their corpses taken by a former Syrian army photographer, codenamed Caesar, who fled in August 2013 with thousands of photos that document the regime’s crimes. It was his job to record the deaths in military prisons. The photos, which show the world the atrocities of the regime, are but some evidence the prosecution is using at the Koblenz trial.

Mass graves
The gravedigger continued his grim testimony by recalling how corpses were transported in refrigerated trucks from all security departments and military and even civilian hospitals. He detailed how he was “recruited” by a member of Syrian intelligence in 2011. He was tasked to form a team of 10 to 15 men who would be in charge of escorting the trucks, which would be loaded with bodies, four times a week to mass graves. The gravedigger said the intelligence provided him with a small truck without a license plate and that was covered with posters of president Bashar Assad. Some three trucks used to transport hundreds of bodies that were piled on top of each other. Each truck was designated to specific security departments and detention centers.

The bodies, however, did not have names. All that identified them were the signs of torture. Some faces were disfigured, possibly by acid. The corpses were just numbers for the perpetrators. The numbers were etched on the chests or foreheads of the victims. Some corpses were dumped in graves with their hands still tied behind their backs. All the bodies showed signs of beatings, many had their nails plucked out.

The gravedigger estimated that each truck transported some 300 to 700 corpses at a time. They would embark on their grisly journey at dawn from the Tishreen, Harasta and Mezzeh military hospitals to two mass graves in al-Qutayfah north of Damascus and al-Najha to its south. The bodies are unceremoniously dumped in a massive 6-meter deep and 100-long pit. Each pit would take some 150 truck trips to fill.

The gravedigger performed this job from 2011 to 2017. No details were revealed about his identity, despite the defense’s demands, for fear over the safety of his family that is still in Syria. His testimony concluded the witness testimonies, which included five from former detainees.

Raslan’s voice and face
None of the detainees could identify Raslan by looking at his face because they were always blindfolded when he interrogated them at the Khatib detention center. However, evidence is available that showed that he was an interrogator at the center and that he ordered the torture of prisoners.

He has refused to appear before the trial and is only speaking through his lawyer. Prior to the beginning of the trial, he confessed to a German investigator that he had interrogated one of the main witnesses at the trial: Wassim Mukdad, the famed Syrian musician who sought refuge in Germany. Mukdad told the court that he was interrogated by only one officer during his time in detention and that he would be able to identify him by hearing his voice as he was always blindfolded. The musician and other witnesses requested a sample of Raslan’s voice to confirm his identity but his lawyer vehemently refused.

Even though the witnesses have not identified Raslan, Bunni told Asharq Al-Awsat that upcoming witnesses will be able to verify him by looking at his face because they had seen him at detention centers.

The hearings will resume in May.

Raslan had defected from the regime and arrived in Germany as a refugee in 2015. He has rejected the accusations against him, saying he had no knowledge of the alleged torture at the Khatib detention center. He even claimed that he used to help some of the prisoners.

He was arrested in Berlin after he turned to the police to explain to them that he was concerned that he was being watched by other Syrians. He admitted in his request that he was a former officer in the Syrian army, which prompted the police to refer his case to the criminal police to probe whether he may be tried for possible crimes.

Gharib arrived in Germany in 2018 and was arrested after providing testimony before immigration authorities. He admitted that he used to work for Syrian intelligence, but has rejected the accusations against him.



In Shadow of War, Israelis to Decide if Hard-Right Turn Is Permanent

Rappelling workers install an election billboard featuring an image of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and reading in Hebrew "It's either the Right or Palestine," in Ramat Gan near Tel Aviv, Israel, 18 October 2026. (EPA)
Rappelling workers install an election billboard featuring an image of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and reading in Hebrew "It's either the Right or Palestine," in Ramat Gan near Tel Aviv, Israel, 18 October 2026. (EPA)
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In Shadow of War, Israelis to Decide if Hard-Right Turn Is Permanent

Rappelling workers install an election billboard featuring an image of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and reading in Hebrew "It's either the Right or Palestine," in Ramat Gan near Tel Aviv, Israel, 18 October 2026. (EPA)
Rappelling workers install an election billboard featuring an image of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and reading in Hebrew "It's either the Right or Palestine," in Ramat Gan near Tel Aviv, Israel, 18 October 2026. (EPA)

Three years after suffering their deadliest single attack, Israelis will deliver their verdict on veteran Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in an October 27 election that could decide if the country moves definitively into hard-right nationalism.

The trauma of October 7, 2023 remains raw across Israel. Faded stickers bearing the smiles of young people killed by Hamas cover station walls and lampposts, and at bustling restaurants, no one bats an eye as patrons dine with their assault rifles, now liberally allowed.

Netanyahu, Israel's longest-serving prime minister who polls show is in a tight race, is seeking a new mandate after leading a multi-front regional war in response to October 7, with Israel reducing Gaza to rubble, occupying part of Lebanon and, with US help, bombarding Iran.

The relentless Gaza campaign has brought pariah status to Israel in many once-friendly Western countries, and Netanyahu himself faces an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court.

Even if the public broadly has supported the war's aims, the effects at home have been much more divisive, including emboldening Netanyahu's far-right allies bent on reshaping Israel into a religious-nationalist Jewish state.

"I really think that these elections are about the future of the state in a literal sense," said Gideon Rahat, a political scientist at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Israel Democracy Institute.

Netanyahu's government has ramped up settlements in the occupied West Bank where settlers armed with the blessing of far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir have been attacking Palestinians on their lands with only occasional pushback from authorities.

"The state without a monopoly on the use of force is a failed state," Rahat said.

Netanyahu, who turns 77 on October 21, has served as prime minister on and off for more than 19 years.

The wily political operator returned to power in December 2022 bringing in once-shunned ultra-nationalists and quickly tried to rein in the judiciary, which is examining corruption charges that could land him in jail.

The proposed reforms brought out some of the largest protests in Israel's history in the months before the Hamas attack.

"Everyone in the country has a strong opinion about Netanyahu. People either hate him or adore him," said Alon Yakter, a political scientist at Tel Aviv University.

"When you want to see who people vote for, the first question you have to ask is their emotional feelings about Netanyahu."

- Anti-Netanyahu in style, not stance -

Seeking to unseat Netanyahu is an informal bloc of parties united mostly around their distaste for him.

Netanyahu's most formidable rival, according to polls, is former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, who is in many ways his antithesis -- a political novice who wants to unite centrists rather than rally a base, and a phlegmatic speaker with halting English and none of the American-raised Netanyahu's flair for blistering, headline-grabbing speeches.

Eisenkot, as well as other opposition leaders, have zeroed in on why Netanyahu failed to prevent October 7.

Netanyahu has been rocked by reports he ignored warnings. He vehemently denies the charges, blaming security chiefs who he said failed to wake him up that morning.

Netanyahu "may have his perfect English, but even with perfect English he got us October 7", Eisenkot, in Hebrew, told a security conference at Reichman University.

Eisenkot's son died in the Gaza war -- offering an unspoken contrast to Netanyahu's son Yair, a globe-trotting social media provocateur.

The working-class son of Moroccan Jewish immigrants, Eisenkot would be the first prime minister of Middle Eastern ancestry, a watershed in a country politically dominated since its founding by an elite of European descent.

Opposition leaders have not criticized Netanyahu's decision to wage war, likely a losing stance in a country where a recent survey found that only 21 percent of the population identifies as anywhere left of center.

Eisenkot, as military chief during the 2006 Lebanon war, promoted the Israeli doctrine of using massive force even against civilian infrastructure when in areas used by militants, such as Hezbollah.

The opposition has instead heavily focused on social issues including Netanyahu's tight alliance with ultra-Orthodox Jews, a fast-growing segment of the population due to high birth rates that has promoted religious priorities, such as keeping public transit closed on Saturdays.

Netanyahu, while personally secular, has allowed religious students to remain exempt from military service, a source of particular resentment when stretched reservists have served multiple tours.

Opposition figure Naftali Bennett, prime minister in a short-lived 2021-22 government, has vowed to end all exemptions to military service and said that social divisions were putting Israel on a "slow-motion suicide mission".

- Hardline appeal -

While the opposition attacks Netanyahu over October 7, for some Israelis, the aftermath of the attack shows the government has brought stability.

While Israelis have died in Iranian and Hezbollah retaliatory attacks, fire has stopped from Gaza, even as Israel keeps striking the territory and Hamas remains.

Israel's economy has boomed since October 7, with construction sites dotting the major cities and the stock market soaring, led by the technology and defense sectors.

Neriah Yarchi, 19, a barber from Bat Yam near Tel Aviv, came of political age after October 7. He said he would vote for far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who wants the "voluntary" removal of Gaza's two million Palestinians.

"If Gaza had been ours, they wouldn't have had a place to infiltrate from and there wouldn't have been a massacre," Yarchi said.

Netanyahu has sought to seize on his international notoriety, with his Likud party putting up posters of leaders including New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, an outspoken critic of Israeli policies, that read, "They want Netanyahu to lose. Don't let them win."

Netanyahu has also vowed loudly never to align with parties representing Arab Israelis, who make up around one-fifth of the population and who some expect to turn out in higher numbers after the intense anti-Arab stances of some of Netanyahu's ministers.

Arab lawmakers broke precedent to be kingmakers in the 2021-2022 government.

If the new election's results are as close as expected, it could take weeks or months to form a government. Eisenkot has said he would not ally with Arab parties or Netanyahu, but some critics do not believe he would refuse.

Uriel Reichman, a former lawmaker who founded the university bearing his name, told the conference addressed by Eisenkot that a Netanyahu triumph could permanently entrench Israel's right-wing turn.

He drew a parallel to countries where an elected populist packs the government with loyalists and transforms once-independent institutions.

"Experience shows that once such a system is put in place, it would be extremely difficult to dismantle it," he said.


‘It’s Family’: Lebanese Villagers Dread Looming UN Peacekeeper Pullout

A worker arranges souvenirs made for personnel of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) at a factory showroom in Lebanon's southern border village of Ibl al-Saqi on October 13, 2026. (AFP)
A worker arranges souvenirs made for personnel of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) at a factory showroom in Lebanon's southern border village of Ibl al-Saqi on October 13, 2026. (AFP)
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‘It’s Family’: Lebanese Villagers Dread Looming UN Peacekeeper Pullout

A worker arranges souvenirs made for personnel of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) at a factory showroom in Lebanon's southern border village of Ibl al-Saqi on October 13, 2026. (AFP)
A worker arranges souvenirs made for personnel of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) at a factory showroom in Lebanon's southern border village of Ibl al-Saqi on October 13, 2026. (AFP)

From his shop in south Lebanon near the Israeli border, Mark Diab says life in his village will be turned upside down when a decades-long United Nations peacekeeping force pulls out next year.

"UNIFIL isn't just business, to us it's family," said Diab, 59, whose sister is among residents of Ibl al-Saqi who have married peacekeepers from the UN Interim Force in Lebanon over the years. She now lives in Spain.

"We're basically open because of the UN. We started when I was young," Diab said from his shop, just down the road from a UNIFIL base, selling clothes.

The force's withdrawal will hurt the local economy and "will impact our relationships... and we'll lose security and stability," he said, as the sound of an explosion rang out in the distance.

"I'm very sad they're leaving... We've spent a lifetime with them."

UNIFIL has served as a buffer since Israel first invaded Lebanon in 1978.

It has become part of the fabric of south Lebanese villages like Ibl al-Saqi after decades spent monitoring border hostilities and supporting local communities, including with humanitarian assistance.

But after pressure from Washington, the UN Security Council last year voted to end the force's mandate on December 31, 2026.

In a narrow garden in Ibl al-Saqi called Norway Square, tattered Norwegian and Lebanese flags flew near plaques paying tribute to peacekeepers from the Scandinavian country whose arrival decades ago forged ties that run deep.

A street sign points to a town in Norway about 5,200 kilometers (more than 3,200 miles) away.

Nearby, an Indian flag flew at Mahatma Gandhi Park close to a statue, posters and plaques set up by Indian peacekeepers.

An armored vehicle of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) moves along a road in Lebanon's southern border village of Ibl al-Saqi on October 13, 2026. (AFP)

- 'Positive mark' -

Ibl al-Saqi is located just outside an Israeli-declared "security zone" which runs around 10 kilometers deep in Lebanese territory along the border. It was established after the latest war between Israel and the Iran-backed Hezbollah group erupted this year.

Israeli troops operate nearby, and locals advised AFP journalists to avoid southern parts of the otherwise quiet, peaceful village, nestled among hills covered in olive groves.

From his municipal office near framed UNIFIL pictures and paraphernalia, mayor George Rahhal said the peacekeepers had brought stability and reassurance to villagers over years of conflict and uncertainty.

"They've left a positive mark on everybody's hearts, firstly through security, then the economy, healthcare, supporting schools, the sick," said Rahhal, who like others in the village also has Norwegian citizenship and speaks the language.

"At some point the UN has to leave... but not in these circumstances."

Lebanon has called for UNIFIL's mandate to be extended, fearing a security vacuum at a time when hostilities prevent the Lebanese army, whose resources are limited, from deploying across the country's south.

Rahhal said many Ibl al-Saqi residents were UNIFIL employees or contractors.

Almost "the entire community will be impacted" economically by the withdrawal, directly or indirectly, he said.

"We can live after the international force (leaves), but how and where and who will be responsible for us?"

UNIFIL now counts about 7,500 personnel from nearly 50 countries.

Spokesperson Kandice Ardiel told AFP it also "has around 400 national staff" and works with numerous local companies providing contracted services.

A shepherd tends to a flock near the base of the Spanish contingent of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), in Lebanon's southern border village of Ibl al-Saqi on October 13, 2026. (AFP)

- 'Stayed in our village' -

Peacekeepers are stationed in many Israeli-occupied areas now off-limits to most Lebanese after the most recent war. Many border villages have seen heavy destruction.

More than 4,300 people have been killed in Lebanon since March, including seven peacekeepers caught in the crossfire.

Israel still carries out strikes and demolitions despite a lull in hostilities since late June.

Andrea Tenenti, who served as UNIFIL spokesperson for almost 20 years, told AFP that the force's presence "was not simply about maintaining peace and security".

UNIFIL "has long been the second largest employer and economic contributor in southern Lebanon, after the Lebanese state", he said.

"Its economic footprint, however, extended far beyond its direct workforce," he added, with associated activities "supporting a much wider network of businesses and livelihoods".

Its withdrawal "risks creating a significant vacuum... at a particularly critical time".

At a workshop in Ibl al-Saqi, laborers supervised clattering embroidery machines sewing customized items including banners and tags for peacekeepers stationed nearby.

Shelves were packed with colorful souvenirs and keepsakes for UNIFIL personnel -- the business's main market after Lebanon's economy collapsed in 2019.

Co-owner Khaled Nahra, 48, said the workshop had been running for some 25 years and had around a dozen employees, but would be forced to close when UNIFIL leaves.

"We've stayed in our village... this was the best thing about working with the UN," he said.

"There are people who've been working here for 15... 20 years. They're like me. They don't know what to do."


Policing of France's School Protests Clouds Macron's Final Months and Sparks Uproar

France's President Emmanuel Macron delivers a speech during the "Bpifrance Inno Generation (BIG)" event, in Paris, France, October 8, 2026.  Julien De Rosa/Pool via REUTERS
France's President Emmanuel Macron delivers a speech during the "Bpifrance Inno Generation (BIG)" event, in Paris, France, October 8, 2026. Julien De Rosa/Pool via REUTERS
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Policing of France's School Protests Clouds Macron's Final Months and Sparks Uproar

France's President Emmanuel Macron delivers a speech during the "Bpifrance Inno Generation (BIG)" event, in Paris, France, October 8, 2026.  Julien De Rosa/Pool via REUTERS
France's President Emmanuel Macron delivers a speech during the "Bpifrance Inno Generation (BIG)" event, in Paris, France, October 8, 2026. Julien De Rosa/Pool via REUTERS

On one side, legions of determined teenagers protesting for their future by blockading schools and taking part in marches that have sometimes spiraled into violence.

On the other, one of the largest internal security forces in Europe, deployed by the government of an unpopular and outgoing president, The Associated Press said.

The result, playing out almost daily outside high schools and on the streets of France, is a nationwide storm of unrest. The mayhem of recent weeks — with mass arrests and hundreds of injured — has sparked an uproar in a country steeped in a centuries-old culture of protest. Even some police have turned on the government's handling of the demonstrations.

Discontent shrouds Macron's final months

For President Emmanuel Macron, who leaves office in May, it’s hardly the dream ending to his decade in power. He has faced a succession of protest movements that sapped his popularity and fueled broad criticism of how his ministers use police against demonstrators.

With the high schoolers, the outcry has grown particularly loud. That's partly because the vast majority of the 8,000 people arrested in recent weeks are under 18 and because police riot-control weapons are blamed for life-changing injuries suffered by some young teens.

The protesters' push for better-resourced schools, particularly in poorer Paris suburbs and other cities and towns, also has a sympathetic audience as France hurts from record poverty and record public debt.

But police complain that they're facing violent rioters who are latching onto the protests and using the crowds as cover to attack officers, pelting them with rocks, fireworks and other projectiles and wreaking havoc with fires, vandalism and other destruction. By the government's count, more than 900 officers and more than 150 teachers and other school staffers have been injured. More demonstrations, by a variety of groups with broader complaints beyond schools, are planned Saturday.

French history partly explains why protests are veering into confrontations between riot police and some demonstrators who come ready to fight in masks and black clothes, says Walid Hrar, a police officer and union representative in the northern suburbs of Paris.

“This is the country of the French Revolution. Everyone boasts about it, in fact. Some political parties don’t hesitate to say that we need to disobey the law. That’s what Robespierre and other revolutionaries taught us in 1789,” he said.

“France always tends to react rather than anticipate,” he added. "In other words, we’re always going to extremes.”

Attention focusing on police weaponry

The police have drawn sharp scrutiny for their efforts to control crowds using a variety of so-called non-lethal weaponry, particularly grenades and other projectiles, but also tear gas, water cannons and riot shields equipped with powerful strobe lights.

"We’re sending poorly equipped, untrained public security police officers to violent demonstrations who are likely to become agitated very quickly out of anger and fear,” said Jean-Marie Godard, an author who specializes in French policing.

Hrar said some of his police colleagues “aren’t specialized in crowd control and aren’t equipped for it. We send them in because we need the manpower, so we have officers wearing uniforms that aren’t flame-resistant. And if you’re hit by a firework mortar and your uniform isn’t flame-resistant, you can catch fire. We also have officers with worn-out helmets. We have shields that aren’t suitable."

He said officers who haven't been given permission to use riot-control projectiles and grenades sometimes struggle to keep attackers at a safe distance.

“So unfortunately we make do,” he said. “You’ll inevitably end up in direct physical confrontation. When that happens, there are injuries on both sides.”

His Alliance police union announced this week that it is filing a legal complaint against the state, accusing it of endangering lives. It alleged that officers are being issued with vague and contradictory orders, leaving them “isolated, betrayed, abandoned, exposed to violence."

Probes of alleged misconduct grow French Interior Minister Laurent Nunez said this week that security forces have used crowd-control weapons at least 18,000 times during the protests — mostly smoke and tear gas but also projectiles and grenades.

They include a deafening launcher-fired grenade that Nunez said was used “about 40 times” before he suspended its deployment against high schoolers, after a 15-year-old lost a hand.

“All this equipment, all these forces, all these intermediate weapons, are used whenever necessary, with proportionality, to mark an escalation of the response, to keep people at a distance or sometimes to put them out of action,” he said.

The minister said rules governing the use of riot-control projectiles are “very clear, very strict.”

“We avoid everything above the neck,” he said.

Still, an officer suspected of firing a round that partially blinded a 16-year-old was this week charged with aggravated violence.

That case is among a growing number of investigations — totaling 36 as of Tuesday — into alleged police misconduct.

Four involve “mutilating injuries,” another six involve “significant injuries” and others are for “blows, insults and suspected sexual assaults” and include the case of an officer accused of attempting to drown a protester, Nunez said.

Expert says different groups get different policing France has more than 250,000 police and gendarmes.

Sebastian Roché, a policing specialist at France's National Center for Scientific Research, said their use can depend on the political needs of the government, which commands them. Officers have been less forgiving with the teenagers than they previously were with farmers, a powerful lobby in France, who doused government buildings with manure, blocked roads and set fires.

“It’s the political definition of the movement that defines the police response,” Roché said.

Public perceptions of the police also change and are influenced by what people see on social media, said Hrar, who noted that officers were applauded for their bravery during terror attacks in 2015.

"When you bombard people every single day with images of police intervening with batons, shields and tear gas, you’re inevitably going to create a negative impression.”