A Year after Unprecedented Iraq Protests, What Has Changed?

Iraqi demonstrators take part in anti-government protests at Tahrir Square in Baghdad, Iraq, Nov. 2, 2019. (Reuters)
Iraqi demonstrators take part in anti-government protests at Tahrir Square in Baghdad, Iraq, Nov. 2, 2019. (Reuters)
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A Year after Unprecedented Iraq Protests, What Has Changed?

Iraqi demonstrators take part in anti-government protests at Tahrir Square in Baghdad, Iraq, Nov. 2, 2019. (Reuters)
Iraqi demonstrators take part in anti-government protests at Tahrir Square in Baghdad, Iraq, Nov. 2, 2019. (Reuters)

Back in October 2019, unprecedented protests demanded the fall of Iraq's ruling class. One year on, with a new government in place and nearly 600 protesters killed, almost nothing has changed.

The nationwide demonstrations which broke out on October 1, 2019 spiraled into a decentralized movement slamming unemployment, poor public services, endemic corruption and a political class more loyal to Iran or the US than to Iraqi citizens.

It led to the shock November 1 resignation of then-premier Adel Abdel Mahdi, succeeded after months of political deadlock by Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi, who pledged to integrate protesters' demands into his transitional government's plans.

But on the ground, little has been achieved.

Kadhimi has set an early parliamentary vote for June 6, 2021, nearly a year ahead of schedule.

"Protesters wanted early elections and a new electoral law. We're doing that," Abdelhussein Hindawi, Kadhimi’s advisor on elections, told AFP.

But while parliament approved a new voting law in December, essential points including the size of electoral districts and whether candidates would run independently or on lists have yet to be agreed by lawmakers.

And despite repeated claims he has no political ambitions and would only serve as a transitional premier, Kadhimi himself appears to be preparing for an electoral fight.

Several MPs and members of rival parties told AFP the prime minister's advisors are scouting candidates for the 2021 elections, hoping he could secure a new term in office.

"He's stuck because he has to make a decision about where he wants to be," said Renad Mansour, a researcher at the UK-based Chatham House.

"Does he want to be PM for another four years and play politics, or does he want to change something right now?"

One foot in, one foot out

When he came to power, Kadhimi pledged to guide Iraq through a dire fiscal crisis, saying state coffers were "nearly empty" after years of waste and an oil price slump.

The World Bank said Iraq's poverty rate could double to 40 percent this year and that youth unemployment, already at 36 percent, could rise further.

Kadhimi’s cabinet first vowed to reduce the public payroll and audit stipends handed out to millions of Iraqis, but walked back the policy following public criticism.

It changed course again in August, hiring hundreds at the defense ministry -- but not enough to stop sit-ins outside other government offices demanding jobs.

And Finance Minister Ali Allawi missed a late August deadline to submit a "white paper" of economic reforms that is still being finalized, Iraqi officials told AFP.

Kadhimi also said he would prioritize Iraq's fight against the novel coronavirus, which had in May killed 100 people.

Now, the death toll stands at close to 9,000, with the health ministry warning hospitals could "lose control" if the spread is not contained.

The PM has few allies in parliament, where pro-Iran MPs have bristled at his references to protester demands.

"He's had one foot in the elite camp and one foot in the anti-establishment camp. At the end of the day, he ends up not satisfying either," said Mansour.

'It's too sensitive'

The premier has also struggled to make good on his promise to bring those responsible for the deaths of nearly 600 protesters and activists since last October to justice.

In September, his government announced that families of victims could apply for compensation from the state, but no funds have been disbursed yet.

A few weeks later, Kadhimi said a statue would be erected in Tahrir Square, the epicenter of Baghdad's rallies, as well as in the protest hotspot of Nasiriyah further south.

"I don't recall a statue being among our demands last year," wrote Ali, a young protester from east Baghdad.

Meanwhile, the intimidation campaign has continued, including the abduction of a German national and the killing of scholar and government advisor Hisham al-Hashemi in July.

"We know who and where the killers are, but we cannot arrest them or announce that. It's too sensitive," one Iraqi official told AFP on condition of anonymity.

Rocket attacks on diplomatic missions and military convoys have increased, with hardline groups becoming more brazen in their threats against Kadhimi.

Many of those factions fall under the state-sponsored pro-Iran Popular Mobilization Forces paramilitary network, and being unable to exert full control over them has made Kadhimi look "weak", Mansour said.

"The challenge in Iraq is no one man can fix it -- but certainly not a man who believes in incremental slow change at a time that you have such a violent context," he said.



What Is the ‘Shiite Duo’s’ Problem with Salam’s Appointment as Lebanon’s PM?

Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Nawaf Salam waves as he arrives to meet with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (not pictured) at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, Lebanon, 14 January 2025. (EPA)
Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Nawaf Salam waves as he arrives to meet with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (not pictured) at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, Lebanon, 14 January 2025. (EPA)
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What Is the ‘Shiite Duo’s’ Problem with Salam’s Appointment as Lebanon’s PM?

Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Nawaf Salam waves as he arrives to meet with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (not pictured) at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, Lebanon, 14 January 2025. (EPA)
Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Nawaf Salam waves as he arrives to meet with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (not pictured) at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, Lebanon, 14 January 2025. (EPA)

Several observers have questioned the strong opposition by the “Shiite duo” of Hezbollah and the Amal movement of the appointment of Nawaf Salam as Lebanon’s prime minister.

Head of Hezbollah’s parliamentary bloc MP Mohammed Raad went so far on Monday to declare that the party had been “deceived with the aim of creating division and exclusion” in the country.

Salam was named prime minister on Monday after earning 84 votes from parliamentary blocs. His predecessor Najib Mikati received nine, while the Shiite duo abstained from naming anyone.

Back in 2023, the duo had agreed to a so-called “French initiative” that suggested the election of Hezbollah and Amal’s candidate Suleiman Franjieh as president in exchange for Salam to be named prime minister.

Salam, who in February 2024 was named head of the International Court of Justice, boasts a long history of opposing Israel, which should have earned him Hezbollah’s strong support. He resigned from the post after being designated prime minister.

Figures close to the duo said that one of the issues Hezbollah has with Salam is that since the October 2019 anti-government protests in Lebanon, he has been viewed as the opposition and West’s candidate for the position of prime minister.

Political anlayst Dr. Kassem Kassir told Asharq Al-Awsat that Hezbollah and Amal don’t view Salam as a rival as they had agreed to his nomination in line with the French initiative.

The problem, however, lies in how he was nominated. He explained that internal and foreign forces had reached an agreement that would see Joseph Aoun elected president and Mikati named prime minister, he said.

However, it appears that some sort of internal and foreign “coup” had taken place and that led to Salam’s nomination and appointment, he remarked.

On whether the dispute can be resolved, Kassir said “positive stances” during the government formation process may tackle the issue.

“The Shiite duo fear that there may be an agenda aimed at excluding its influential role in political life,” he added.

A handout photo made available by the Lebanese Presidency Press Office shows Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (L) speaking with Lebanese parliament Speaker Nabih Berri (R) during a meeting at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, Lebanon, 14 January 2025. (Lebanese Presidency Press Office)

Hezbollah had warned on Monday that Salam’s government may be “unconstitutional” should it fail to meet its demands and aspirations.

Raad said: “We have the right to demand the formation of a constitutional government. A government that violates joint coexistence is not legal.”

Constitutional expert Dr. Saeed Malek said “constitutionality” is one of the foundations of Lebanon’s political system.

The constitution clearly states that there can be no legitimacy to an authority that violates mutual coexistence, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

However, the issue of “constitutionality” must not be brought up when a certain party wants to deliver a political message and prevent the remaining parties from building a state and practicing their rights, he stressed.

“Yes, the Shiite duo does represent Shiites in Lebanon, but they don’t represent all Lebanese Shiites. The community boasts figures who enrich the Shiite sect, so a government can be formed with them,” Kassir said.

“A government would be unconstitutional if not a single Shiite figure is represented in it,” he underlined.

On whether the government needs the vote of confidence of the Shiite MPs, he said the constitution does not stipulate that a cabinet needs the vote of all segments. “It simply says that it needs the vote of confidence,” he added.

“At the end of the day, the issue of ‘constitutionality’ is a right, but one must not exploit this right with the aim to obstruct state functioning and the formation of a government,” Malek stressed.

“No party has the right to obstruct a new presidential term under the pretext of ‘constitutionality’,” he stated.