Sanctions on Bassil Mark Shift in Christian Political Scene in Lebanon

FPM leader MP Gebran Bassil. (AP)
FPM leader MP Gebran Bassil. (AP)
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Sanctions on Bassil Mark Shift in Christian Political Scene in Lebanon

FPM leader MP Gebran Bassil. (AP)
FPM leader MP Gebran Bassil. (AP)

The United States’ sanctions against leader of the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) MP Gebran Bassil mark a turning point in the Christian political scene in Lebanon.

The FPM boasts the largest parliamentary bloc, but the sanctions are set to undermine this power after Bassil was accused of corruption. The sanctions will likely bring to halt the forward momentum the FPM has enjoyed in recent years, creating a shift in Christian power in the country.

Bassil is President Michel Aoun’s son-in-law and a former minister of energy and foreign affairs.

Rivals of the FPM have alleged that ever since Aoun came to office in 2016, the share of the movement – which he founded – in ministries and in the public sector has doubled. This has allowed the FPM to enter the so-called “deep state” in Lebanon.

It has appointed its supporters in state positions, never denying that the country’s system allows this form of clientelism and division of quotas.

The October 17, 2019 popular protests, whom Bassil was a virulent target of their chants, rose up against such corrupt practices.

Openly, Christian forces dismissed the sanctions and attempted to separate them from internal Lebanese affairs. The FPM rivals, however, believe that the first immediate repercussions of the sanctions will see the movement “loosening its grip” on Christian quotas.

Secretary of the Lebanese Forces’ Strong Republic bloc Fadi Karam said the impact of the US move will not only have an immediate impact on Bassil’s authority within the state, but on his political future.

It will also impact the role of the current authority, which is dominated by the FPM and its allies.

The sanctions may pave the way for the collapse of this ruling authority, including the FPM, which agreed to several settlements in order to secure cover for illegal dealings, corruption and clientelism in appointments, Karam told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The use of state institutions for personal gain can no longer continue, he said.

“The October 17 revolution, our opposition to this authority and the foreign sanctions will act as a unified front that can confront” the illegal practices, he remarked.

Observers believe the sanctions, by reining in Bassil, have restored some form of balance in the Christian political scene.

“The Christians are now against the ruling authority, which Bassil is a part of,” said Karam, adding that the LF now enjoys the greatest support among Christians.

“We are not seeking to be part of this authority, which we believe is already a failure,” he said.

In contrast to the LF, political researcher, Dr. Toufic al-Hindi, believed that Bassil made gains by choosing to keep his alliance with Hezbollah when asked by the Americans to choose between their incentives and the party.

“Bassil elected to remain with a strong ally in Lebanon and this will reap him major benefits, especially since Hezbollah only has this one Christian ally, which happens to have the parliamentary majority at the moment,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The party derives its power from its possession of weapons. This in turn allowed it to impose its authority over the state. It has managed to maintain this power even during US President Donald Trump’s tenure,” remarked Hindi, who is a former member of the LF and an opponent of Bassil.

Contrary to expectations, Hindi said that Bassil has not lost his chances of becoming president. This issue, however, is linked to international developments.

He lamented the state of “decay” in Lebanon amid the “weak Christian front”, saying this has left the country with no choice but to be placed under “international tutelage.”



Iran Presidential Candidate Jalili Is Fiercely Loyal to Khamenei

Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili votes at a polling station in a snap presidential election to choose a successor to Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash, in Tehran, Iran June 28, 2024. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili votes at a polling station in a snap presidential election to choose a successor to Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash, in Tehran, Iran June 28, 2024. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
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Iran Presidential Candidate Jalili Is Fiercely Loyal to Khamenei

Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili votes at a polling station in a snap presidential election to choose a successor to Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash, in Tehran, Iran June 28, 2024. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili votes at a polling station in a snap presidential election to choose a successor to Ebrahim Raisi following his death in a helicopter crash, in Tehran, Iran June 28, 2024. Stringer/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

Saeed Jalili, a zealous ideologue loyal to Iran's supreme leader, plans to resolve the country's social, political and economic ills by adhering rigidly to the hardline ideals of the 1979 revolution if he wins the country's presidential election.

Jalili was narrowly beaten in Friday's first round vote by moderate Massoud Pezeshkian but the two men will now face a run-off election on July 5, since Pezeshkian did not secure the majority of 50% plus one vote of ballots cast needed to win outright.

Jalili, a former diplomat, describes himself as a pious believer in "velayat-e faqih", or rule by supreme jurisprudence, the system of Islamic government that provides the basis for Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's paramount position.

His staunch defense of the 45-year-old revolution appears designed to appeal to hardline, religiously-devout lower-income voters but offered little to young and urban Iranians frustrated by curbs on political and social freedoms.

Once Iran's top nuclear negotiator, Jalili, 58, was one of four candidates in the election for a successor to Ebrahim Raisi, who was killed in a helicopter crash in May.

He is currently a member of a body that mediates in disputes between parliament and the Guardian Council, a body that screens election candidates for their political and Islamic qualifications.

A staunch anti-Westerner, Jalili's advance to the second round signals the possibility of an even more antagonistic turn in the republic's foreign and domestic policy, analysts said.

Foreign and nuclear policy are the domain of Khamenei, who wields supreme command of the armed forces, has the power to declare war and appoints senior figures including armed forces commanders, judicial heads and the head of the state media.

However, the president can influence the tone of foreign and domestic policy.

Insiders and analysts say Khamenei, 85, seeks a strongly loyal president to run the government day-to-day and to be a trusted ally who can ensure stability, amid maneuvering over the eventual succession to his own position.

UNCOMPROMISING STANCE

Jalili is an opponent of Tehran's 2015 nuclear pact with major powers that was negotiated on the Iranian side by a group of pragmatic officials open to detente with the West.

Then-President Donald Trump reneged on the accord in 2018 and reimposed sanctions that have crippled Iran's economy. With the possible return of Trump to the White House after November's US presidential election and Jalili's possible election win, the deal's resurgence seems improbable.

Before the nuclear pact, Jalili served as Iran's top nuclear negotiator for five years from 2007, a period in which Tehran took a confrontational and uncompromising approach to discussions with global powers about its uranium enrichment program.

In those years, three UN Security Council resolutions were imposed on Iran, and several attempts to resolve the dispute failed.

During the current election campaign, Jalili was heavily criticized in debates on state TV by other candidates for his uncompromising nuclear stance and his opposition to Iran signing up to two conventions on financial crime recommended by the Financial Action Taskforce, an international crime watchdog.

Some hardliners, like Jalili, argue that the acceptance of the Convention on Combating the Financing of Terrorism and the Convention on Combating Transnational Organized Crime could hamper Iran's support for its paramilitary proxies across the region, including Lebanon's Hezbollah.

PRODUCT OF THE REVOLUTION

Jalili has been trying for the presidency for years. He finished third in the 2013 contest, and stood again in 2021 but eventually withdrew to support Raisi.

Born in the city of Mashhad in 1965, Jalili lost his right leg in the 1980s in fighting during the Iran-Iraq war and joined the Foreign Ministry in 1989. Despite his hardline views, he is outwardly soft-spoken.

He gained a doctorate in political science at Imam Sadiq University, a training ground for Iranian leaders.

For four years from 2001, he worked at Khamenei's office.

When hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was elected president in 2005, he chose Jalili to be his adviser, and within months made him deputy foreign minister.

Jalili was appointed in 2007 as the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, a post that automatically made him chief nuclear negotiator.