Chinese FM Says World Pinning High Hopes on Riyadh’s G20 Summit

The Chinese government’s top diplomat, State Councillor Wang Yi
The Chinese government’s top diplomat, State Councillor Wang Yi
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Chinese FM Says World Pinning High Hopes on Riyadh’s G20 Summit

The Chinese government’s top diplomat, State Councillor Wang Yi
The Chinese government’s top diplomat, State Councillor Wang Yi

The Chinese government’s top diplomat, State Councillor Wang Yi, said the world is pinning high hopes on the G20 summit that is set to be held virtually on November 21-22 under the Saudi leadership.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, he said the Group of 20 major economies have achieved practical results in many fields, from coordinating policies on vaccine and macro-economy, addressing the debts of developing countries, to promoting trade and investment, digital economy and the flow of people.

A virtual G20 leaders summit chaired by Saudi Arabia in March consolidated the world’s confidence in fighting the pandemic, he told the newspaper.

"Viruses know no borders or races, and the only way to defeat them is for us to work together,” said Wang.

He added that the international community is following up with great interest the Riyadh summit amid hopes that it will send a positive message and reach a vision on cooperation in the fight against the pandemic and a review on the deficiencies exposed by the coronavirus in world governance.

"It is also hoped that the summit would work out a plan for reforming global governance in the post-COVID era,” he told his interviewer.

Wang denied accusations against China that it has not been transparent on the spread of the coronavirus.

He also rejected what he termed US bullying, its Cold War mentality and its attempts to politicize the pandemic.

Wang hoped that Washington will become reasonable and look at the development of China and other economies with a pragmatic view.

Asked about the war in Yemen, Wang said China backs the country’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. He called for a ceasefire and resolving the crisis through political means.

He also called for the implementation of the Stockholm Agreement and the Riyadh Agreement through tangible steps.

As a Security Council member, China has exerted huge efforts for reconciliation and negotiation between Yemen’s rival parties, and has provided assistance to the country, he said.

On Libya, he said that only a political solution would resolve the country’s crisis, also calling for the respect of its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Wang said Beijing rejects the interference of other countries in Libya’s affairs, adding that China backs the mediating role of the UN through countries neighboring Libya, the Arab League and the African Union.

Asked about war-torn Syria, he said China also believes that the country’s problems cannot be solved militarily.

He called for joint efforts to fight terrorism in Syria, saying a solution to the crisis will be in the interest of all states in the Middle East.

He hoped that Syria would once again enjoy stability, security and development.

“We will enhance our communication with Middle East countries and play a constructive role together in bringing about an early settlement of the Syrian issue,” Wang added.

Here is the full text of the interview:

1. What are the most urgent issues and important challenges facing the upcoming G20 Summit?

Wang Yi: In the global context, the pandemic is compounding the once-in-a-century changes unfolding in our world. The rise of unilateralism, protectionism and headwinds against globalization have aggravated volatility in the international situation. The world economy is in its worst recession since the Great Depression, and people’s livelihoods are greatly undermined. Where is the world heading? Shall we go it alone, or even opt for a beggar-thy-neighbor approach, or shall we stand together to tide over the difficulties? At this important crossroads, the G20, as a premier forum for global crisis response and international economic cooperation, is expected by the international community to once again voice its support for multilateralism, solidarity and mutual assistance, to forge global synergy in fighting COVID-19 and revitalizing the world economy, and to lead the way in the direction of the trend of our times and the progress of history.

Thanks to the capable leadership of Saudi Arabia over the past year, the G20 responded to the epidemic with unity, and achieved practical results in many fields, from coordinating policies on vaccine and macro-economy, addressing the debts of developing countries, to promoting trade and investment, digital economy and the flow of people. The success of the Extraordinary Leaders’ Summit in March has injected new confidence and charted the course for the global fight against COVID-19, and was highly commended by the international community. As President Xi Jinping stressed at the Summit, the interests of all countries are closely connected and we humankind share a common future. Viruses know no borders or races, and the only way to defeat them is for us to work together.

The world is still being ravaged by COVID-19, and many countries are facing a second wave of the virus, making it even more challenging to fight the epidemic, protect people’s livelihoods and stabilize the economy. The Riyadh Summit is attracting much attention from the international community which expects the Summit to produce positive signals and practical initiatives of cooperation. At the same time, as all parties reflect on the weaknesses and deficiencies in global governance exposed by COVID-19, it is also hoped that the Summit would work out a plan for reforming global governance in the post-COVID era.

The Riyadh Summit, according to our view, will not only review G20’s cooperation over the past year and make future plans; more importantly, it presents an important opportunity to set the direction for improving global governance in the post-COVID era. To this end, we hope the Summit will enhance cooperation in the following areas, as a response to the most vital and urgent concerns of the international community.

First, upholding multilateralism and improving global governance. We need to strengthen the UN-centered international system, and address the inadequacies exposed by the epidemic by improving the governance architecture for globalization and enhancing the capability to respond to global challenges such as public health, climate change, and data security.

Second, putting life first and building a global community of health for all. We need to support the leadership and coordinating role of the World Health Organization (WHO), speed up the research, production and distribution of COVID-19 vaccines as a global public good, and make them more accessible and affordable.

Third, enhancing macro-economic policy coordination and promoting global economic recovery. We need to develop a more positive perception of the close links among countries, and protect open and stable industrial chains. We also need to ensure people’s basic living needs, and foster new drivers of growth. In particular, efforts should be made to unlock the potential of the digital economy, and to build an open, fair, just and non-discriminatory business environment.

Fourth, placing development front and center in international cooperation. We need to give particular attention to the challenges confronting developing countries, and step up support for those hardest hit by the coronavirus and under heavy financial stress through the debt suspension initiative. We must earnestly deliver on the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, and help developing countries realize the Sustainable Development Goals at an early date.

With the virus effectively under control, China is working actively to foster a new development paradigm, and will soon begin implementing its 14th Five-Year Plan. China will work with other G20 members to support Saudi Arabia’s leadership as the holder of the G20 presidency, ensure the success of the Riyadh Summit, boost international confidence in overcoming the difficulties, and join hands in building a community with a shared future for mankind.

2. What are COVID-19’s economic and social implications for the world and for China? What is your take on countries rushing for vaccine development?

Wang Yi: COVID-19, which caught us all by surprise and has remained unabated, has become the most severe global public health emergency since the end of World War II. It has seriously impacted all countries, posing an enormous threat to people’s life and health and presenting formidable challenges to global public health security. Confronted by the ravages of COVID-19, the international community has not flinched. People across the world have looked out for each other and responded in solidarity, demonstrating the courage, resolve and compassion that define humanity in times of major disasters, and lighting up this dark moment. As President Xi Jinping noted at the opening ceremony of the third China International Import Expo, humanity has always been able to forge ahead despite risks, disasters and headwinds, and humanity shall and will continue to march forward.

In the face of COVID-19, the Chinese government has put people first, given top priority to saving lives, made parallel progress on epidemic response and social and economic development, and achieved strategic gains. The Chinese economy is steadily picking up, as evidenced by the fact that its growth turned positive in the first three quarters of this year. People’s well-being is effectively protected. China will soon complete the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects and eradicate absolute poverty.

The just concluded Fifth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee adopted an overall plan for China’s development in the 14th five-year plan period. China will begin a new journey toward fully building a modern socialist country and enter a new stage of development. China is set to foster at a faster pace a new development paradigm with domestic circulation as the mainstay and domestic and international circulations reinforcing each other. We will build an even more open economy underpinned by the massive Chinese market. We will pursue deeper and wider opening-up in more sectors to turn the Chinese market into a market for the world, a market shared by all, and a market accessible to all, and let China’s development bring opportunities for all countries, for win-win cooperation and for a better future.

Viruses know no borders. People of all countries are entitled to have access to vaccines and medicines. We sincerely welcome and look forward to contributions made by countries across the globe to vaccine development. President Xi Jinping made the full commitment at multiple international occasions that China’s COVID-19 vaccines, once developed and deployed in China, will be made a global public good. This will be China’s contribution to ensuring vaccine accessibility and affordability in developing countries. China will honor its words and faithfully act on its commitment.

China’s vaccine development companies are going all out and working around the clock to develop vaccines in strict accordance with scientific laws and regulatory requirements and have made encouraging progress. Eleven of their vaccines have entered clinical trials, among which four have got the green light for phase-3 clinical trials abroad. Statistics have so far shown that these vaccines are safe and immunogenic. Such pace of progress is among the fastest in the world.

China has always been committed to international cooperation on vaccine development and has joined a number of multilateral initiatives such as WHO’s Access to COVID-19 Tools (ACT) Accelerator and COVAX. We will continue to engage in active discussions with all parties on international cooperation on vaccine development.

3. What would you say to accusations from the United States that China has spread the coronavirus to the world? And how would you respond to the criticism over China’s lack of transparency on the spread of the disease?

Wang Yi: The COVID-19 pandemic is the sudden onslaught of a previously unknown virus on humanity. It could break out at any time, in any place. Under the personal direction and instructions of President Xi Jinping, the Chinese government has taken the most prompt, comprehensive, rigorous and thorough measures to effectively cut the chains of transmission at the earliest time possible. We curbed the spread of the virus in just over a month’s time, brought the daily number of newly confirmed cases in China to single digit in two months, and secured a decisive victory in the battle of safeguarding Wuhan City and Hubei Province in three months. These powerful actions have effectively protected the lives and health of our people.

In June, China released a white paper titled Fighting COVID-19: China in Action. It is a comprehensive documentation of China’s fight against the virus, with solid facts, hard data and a clear timeline that could stand scrutiny both now and in the future.

As the first country to report cases, China has taken an open, transparent and responsible attitude from the very beginning. We have speedily provided updates on the disease and worked closely with the international community. Our strong and effective measures have been fully recognized by professionals around the world, including WHO experts.

I want to reiterate one point. Once scientific evidence emerged pointing to human-to-human transmission, China immediately closed off outbound transportation routes from Wuhan on January 23, and imposed strict nationwide restrictions on people’s movement. By taking these rigorous steps, China sounded the alarm to the world as loudly as it could. By then, there were only nine confirmed cases outside China, including one in the US. When US borders were closed to all Chinese citizens on February 2, only a dozen of confirmed cases were reported in the US. Some people in the US, however, have chosen to ignore these facts and groundlessly accuse China of spreading the virus to the US and to the whole world. Such attempts to stigmatize and politicize the virus and defame China are entirely driven by self-serving political manipulation. They are doing this to deflect attention and shirk responsibilities for their own mishandling of the disease. These acts have met growing opposition and rejection from the international community.

More and more research and evidence are suggesting that this pandemic probably broke out in different parts of the world. We call on all parties to respect facts and science, focus on their domestic fight against the disease, and actively engage in international cooperation.

4. What will China do to uphold international peace, security and global governance in the post-COVID era?

Wang Yi: The world today is undergoing unprecedented changes, and COVID-19 is accelerating this process. We will not be able to go back to the past when the pandemic is over. We must look beyond the horizon and open up a new future. At the high-level meetings marking the 75th anniversary of the United Nations held in September this year, President Xi Jinping unequivocally reiterated China’s firm commitment to multilateralism, the authority of the UN, the path of peaceful development, win-win cooperation, and the vision of building a community with a shared future for mankind. The President also announced a set of new major initiatives and measures, showing further China’s sense of responsibility for peace and development of the world.

We will always uphold world peace, contribute to global development, and safeguard the international order. We will make greater efforts, in closer cooperation with Saudi Arabia and the whole international community, to uphold multilateralism, support the role of the UN, maintain international peace and security, promote common development, and improve global governance.

5. What is your view on protecting digital security in the context of balancing security and development?

Wang Yi: A new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation is sweeping across the globe, taking humanity into the digital era. The deep integration of digital technology with the real economy is nurturing new business forms and models, and giving new impetus to economic growth. Most notably, exponential growth and aggregation of data provides a new source of energy for economic development and industrial transformation around the world. On the other hand however, data security risks are growing. Massive network surveillance against other countries takes place from time to time. Violations of privacy are more prevalent. Supply chain security is drawing wide attention.

Security and development, like the two wings of a bird and the two driving wheels of a vehicle, rely on and support each other. Seeking absolute security with no regard to development will lead to missed opportunities in digital economy, and such security is like “a river without source” or “a tree without roots”. Yet, a certain country has been abusively invoking “national security” to crack down on better-performing companies of other countries. This is dimming the prospects of global cooperation on digital economy, and will ultimately hamper that country’s own development. In a similar vein, development should not come at the expense of security. Without necessary security regulations, digital economy can hardly grow in a sound, robust way.

In order to protect global data and cyber security and promote digital economic development and cooperation, China has proposed to the world the Global Initiative on Data Security. The Initiative calls on all states to maintain an open, secure and stable global supply chain, oppose using ICT activities to impair other states’ critical infrastructure or steal important data, put an end to activities that infringe upon personal information or conduct mass surveillance against other states and desist from coercing domestic companies into storing data generated and obtained overseas in one’s own territory. The Initiative also calls on all countries to avoid asking companies or individuals to provide data located in other states without the latter’s permission, not install backdoors in their products and service, and not seek illegitimate interests by taking advantage of users’ dependence on their products.

The Initiative has received wide international attention since its release. Countries all recognize the need for rules for global data security, and appreciate China’s efforts to protect global data security. China is prepared to discuss relevant issues with all parties within the G20 framework. We welcome comments from other parties so as to add more reasonable ideas to the Initiative. China is ready to work with all parties to make a set of rules on the security of the global data and network that reflect the will and respect the interests of all countries and build a peaceful, secure, open and cooperative cyberspace.

6. Since President Trump took office, China-US relations strained. The two sides even traded with threats, and imposed economic and trade sanctions on each other. The United States banned TikTok and other apps from China. What has led to all this?

Wang Yi: The root cause of the serious difficulties in the China-US relations is that some US politicians view this bilateral relationship with a Cold-War mentality and from a zero-sum game lens, they refuse to recognize and respect China’s legitimate rights to development, and that they do not want to see emerging economies succeed. Such mindset, sporting unilateralism and bullying, violates the basic norms governing international relations, runs counter to market rules of fair competition, and goes against the underlying trend of human development. It is not supported by the general public, and it is not viable. In today’s globalized world, all countries are part of a community with interwoven interests. Any attempt to rip off the development achievements of other countries or squeeze other countries’ development space is doomed to fail. We hope that the United States will return to reason, take an objective and rational view of the development of China and other emerging economies, and work with China to bring China-US relations back to the right track of healthy and stable development as soon as possible.

7. Some observers believe that the clash between China and the United States as well as some Western countries was caused by the issue of Uygur Muslims. What is your take on this view?

Wang Yi: The accusations by the United States and some Western countries against China about Xinjiang-related issues are completely groundless. Xinjiang-related issues are not about human rights, ethnicity, or religion. They are matters of fighting terrorism and separatism. Over some years in the past, international terrorists infiltrated China through Xinjiang. Terrorists, separatists and extremists ran rampant in Xinjiang, and committed thousands of violent and terrorist attacks. They killed many innocent lives, and caused heavy property losses. To safeguard national security, maintain stability and development in Xinjiang, and protect people’s safety and property, the government of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region acted to meet the strong call of all ethnic groups. It took counter-terrorism and deradicalization measures in accordance with the law and drew on the counter-terrorism experience of the international community. These preventive measures have proved effective. There have been no violent or terrorist cases in Xinjiang for nearly four years in a row. Thanks to these measures, we are able to protect most effectively people’s rights to life, health and development, ensure a safe and happy life for all the people in Xinjiang, and safeguard sovereignty, unity and security of our country. At the same time, the rights of all ethnic groups in Xinjing to participate equally in the administration of state affairs and to independently manage the ethnic affairs in the region are ensured as prescribed by the law. Their normal religious activities are protected by the law, and the freedom of religious belief is guaranteed in accordance with the law.

Our preventive measures against terrorism in Xinjiang do not differ fundamentally at all from the counter-terrorism and deradicalization efforts taken by Saudi Arabia and many other countries. The international community has widely given positive assessment to China’s policy on Xinjiang-related issues. Since the end of 2018, Saudi Arabia’s Ambassador to China and over 1,000 delegates from more than 90 countries have visited Xinjiang. They saw first-hand that Xinjiang enjoys social stability, ethnic harmony and economic growth. At the General Debate of the Third Committee of the 75th UN General Assembly last October, 48 countries, including Saudi Arabia, spoke up in a joint statement to support China’s Xinjiang-related policy. Their righteous voice shows that only fairness and justice can prevail in the international community.

Rumors, however fabricated and packaged, will fail the test of facts. A lie is a lie, even if repeated one thousand times. We welcome all fair-minded people to Xinjiang to see for themselves the joyful life of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang.

8. What is your comment on the Yemen crisis and the Riyadh Agreement? How do you see the situations in Libya and Syria?

Wang Yi: We follow the Yemen situation closely. We support safeguarding Yemen’s sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity. We support the legal government of Yemen, a political settlement to the issue, and a ceasefire between the conflicting parties. And we support the UN as the main channel of mediation.

We hope that the parties concerned will put the greater good of their country and people first, earnestly implement the Stockholm Agreement and the Riyadh Agreement, and continue to push forward the political settlement process.

As a permanent member of the UN Security Council and a friend of Yemen, China has endeavored to advise peace and talks, and provided assistance. We will continue to work together with the international community for an early settlement of the Yemen issue.

On Libya, there have been positive developments recently: Military representatives from the two conflicting parties have signed a ceasefire agreement, and held a series of political and military dialogues. China welcomes these developments. We always believe that military means will not solve the problem, and that political settlement is the only solution to the Libya issue.

First, it is important to respect Libya’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and oppose external interference in Libya’s internal affairs. Second, it is important to stick to a political solution. China supports the good offices by the UN, and welcomes the participation of Libya’s neighbors, the Arab League and the African Union in the political settlement process. Third, it is important to pursue political talks and counter-terrorism at the same time and prevent cross-border flows of Foreign Terrorist Fighters.

It is China’s sincere hope that the parties concerned in Libya will work in the same direction, implement the ceasefire on the ground, and restart talks as soon as possible. We call on the international community to form synergy and play a positive role for the return of peace and tranquility in Libya. China will continue to work with the relevant parties and make active efforts for the political settlement of the issue and the early realization of peace in Libya.

On Syria, the situation on the whole is easing at the moment, giving a new opportunity for a political settlement. China always believes that a political solution is the only way out, and that Syria’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity should be maintained. We also believe that the process toward a political settlement should be advanced under the “Syrian-led, Syrian-owned” principle, and that all sides should join in the effort to stamp out the terrorist forces in Syria.

An early and proper solution to the Syrian issue serves the interests of all Middle East countries. We hope that the Syrian people will be free from this crisis to enjoy security, stability, peace and development at an early date. We will enhance our communication with Middle East countries and play a constructive role together in bringing about an early settlement of the Syrian issue.

9. What is your take on the current state and future evolution of the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict? How do you see the current tension between Turkey and Greece?

Wang Yi: The international community has been watching closely the armed conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh region since it broke out in late September. With Russia’s active mediation, the two sides agreed to a new ceasefire on 10 November. China welcomes and applauds the agreement. We hope the relevant parties will honor the agreement, return to the track of political negotiations as early as possible, resolve their differences and disputes by peaceful means, and address their issues through dialogue and consultation. We will work with the international community and continue to play the constructive role for the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue.

Turkey and Greece are important countries in the Eastern Mediterranean. A good relationship between them serves regional peace and stability as well as the common interests of the region and beyond. We are glad to see that both sides expressed readiness to settle disputes through negotiation. China hopes that the two countries will keep in mind regional peace, stability and development, resolve their issues left over from history through dialogue and negotiation, and jointly promote development and prosperity in the region.



Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Tried to Assassinate King Hussein with Missile Given to Wadie Haddad

King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
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Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Tried to Assassinate King Hussein with Missile Given to Wadie Haddad

King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).

In the second installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, former Jordanian prime minister and intelligence chief Ahmad Obeidat recounts details of a missile plot to assassinate King Hussein, which he says was backed by Muammar Gaddafi and carried out through operatives linked to Wadie Haddad, head of the external operations arm of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.

Obeidat, who also served as head of intelligence and as minister of interior and defense, revisits the confrontation between Israeli forces, the Jordanian army, and Palestinian guerrillas (fedayeen) in the border town of Karameh in March 1968, asserting that the Jordanian army “decided the battle,” but suffered a “moral defeat amid the fedayeen’s claims of victory.”

Obeidat died earlier this month. The interview was recorded before the “Al-Aqsa Flood,” whose aftermath delayed its publication. Below is the text of the second installment.
 

King Hussein inspects an Israeli tank left behind by occupying forces during the Battle of Karameh (Getty)

“Battle of Karameh”

Obeidat calls Karameh “a pivotal point of utmost importance,” especially for an army still reeling from the 1967 defeat and its withdrawal from the West Bank.

“The army lived the bitterness of that defeat,” he says. “It felt a moral, national, and pan-Arab responsibility.”

Karameh, he argues, offered a chance to restore the army’s fighting morale and reclaim some of its lost dignity.

“It was the army that settled the battle,” Obeidat says.

He credits Jordanian forces with thwarting Israeli attempts to build crossing bridges, destroying their vehicles on Jordanian soil and forcing, for the first time in Israel’s history, a request for a ceasefire. “The late King Hussein refused,” he adds.

Israel, he says, did not acknowledge a fifth of its casualties. Helicopters were evacuating the wounded who were “dripping with blood.”

He singles out artillery observation officers who advanced to the closest possible positions, relaying precise coordinates even as they effectively marked their own locations for shelling.

“The Jordanian soldier would identify his position near the Israeli army to be shelled,” he says, describing a willingness to die in order to restore dignity after the 1967 setback.

He says the declaration of “armed struggle” effectively erased the army’s role, presenting Palestinian fedayeen as the victors over Israel. “They monopolized the victory and ignored the army’s role entirely,” Obeidat says. “We emerged with a moral defeat in the face of their claims.”

He alleges that hundreds of millions of dollars in donations collected afterward, much of it going to Fatah, did not reach the Palestinian people but went to organizations and their leaders.

When the army entered Amman in September 1970, Obeidat says, it aimed to end what he describes as chaos: armed displays, roadblocks, arrests of soldiers on leave and interference in courts.

"When the army entered and began expelling the fedayeen from Amman, it swept through everything in its path. Even my own home, which I had recently rented after my abduction incident and which was close to the army’s command headquarters, was entered by the Jordanian army to search for fedayeen, while my family was inside the house at the time of the raid. My wife told them that her husband was an intelligence officer, but the Jordanian soldier replied, “Don’t lie.”

Obeidat says they did not leave the house until she contacted him, at which point he assigned one of his officers, the commander of an intelligence company, to speak with the army.

"Only then did they leave the house. The point is that the army swept areas without distinguishing between Jordanian and Palestinian; it wanted only to restore control over security. All of this forced me to send my family to my parents’ home in Irbid, in the north of the Kingdom."

He later describes what he calls a “state within a state,” extending from the Jordan Valley to Amman, after armed groups asserted authority over courts, roads, and civilian life.

On Syria’s intervention, Obeidat says Syrian forces entered northern Jordan flying Palestine Liberation Organization flags.

He later learned the decision was political, taken by the Baath Party, and that then-Defense Minister Hafez al-Assad complied reluctantly before Syrian tanks withdrew.

Iraq, he says, did not intervene. Obeidat affirms that he was told by Iraqi officials that neither the Iraqi state nor its forces intended to participate in any operation aimed at ending the Hashemite monarchy in Jordan.

According to one account, Iraqi leaders did not want to shoulder the political and diplomatic burden of the Palestinian issue or risk an uncalculated adventure.

He recounts another account, which he says he cannot adopt, according to which the operations command in the army was handled by a Pakistani figure. Under this account, Zia ul-Haq was receiving operational communications and sending messages that caused confusion among Iraqi and other forces, leading them to believe they would confront powerful strike units, prompting them to remain in a state of alert rather than engage.

He also recalls a meeting in which Palestinian figures, including Abu Iyad, reproached Iraqi President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr. Al-Bakr replied: “We are a state with one life. If we make a fundamental mistake, we end. You are like cats with seven lives.”

As director of intelligence, Obeidat says he dealt directly with operations attributed to Haddad.

Between 1975 and 1977, he says, a missile was sent to Jordan with a group led by a Jordanian, Brik al-Hadid, affiliated with the PFLP. The target was King Hussein’s aircraft.

“The intention was to strike the plane, with Gaddafi’s knowledge and approval,” Obeidat says.

Jordanian intelligence monitored the group from the outset and later arrested its members. The king’s aircraft departed Marka military airport as scheduled but flew in the opposite direction to its planned route as a precaution, using jamming devices against any incoming missiles.

When confronted by Mudar Badran, then head of the Royal Court, Gaddafi denied knowledge. “I have no information,” Obeidat quotes him as saying.

Obeidat describes the aircraft hijackings orchestrated by Haddad as “the straw that broke the camel’s back,” contributing to the army’s intervention.

He says Jordanian intelligence had infiltrated Fatah and monitored its leaders, including Abu Iyad and Abu Yusuf al-Najjar.

In mid-1972, intelligence learned that Abu Dawood and a group were planning to enter Jordan from Baghdad to seize the Jordanian cabinet during a session and hold ministers hostage in exchange for the release of detained Fatah members.

The group crossed in three Mercedes cars, dressed in traditional Arab attire, with weapons concealed inside the seats and forged passports in hand. They were arrested at the border after a thorough search.

Obeidat rejects claims by Abu Iyad that Abu Dawood was tortured, insisting that “not a single hair on his head was touched,” and says Abu Dawood confessed only after realizing the operation had been fully uncovered.

Later, King Hussein met Abu Dawood’s parents, who pleaded for clemency. The king read the full confession and then met Abu Dawood himself. He ultimately ordered his release, honoring a promise he had made to Abu Dawood’s parents.

In Obeidat’s view, Abu Dawood was affected by the king’s treatment of his parents and “did not pose any future threat to Jordan.”

Obeidat describes a direct relationship between King Hussein and the General Intelligence Department.

The king met with officers regularly, not only to hear briefings but also to hear their personal views. 

Obeidat says he would submit reports to the prime minister and also meet with the king. When addressing the king, however, it was sometimes necessary to elaborate verbally on certain issues so that such information would not circulate among staff. 

When he was asked to present a security briefing before the king, the late King Hussein would summon Crown Prince Hassan. The king’s advisers would also attend, along with senior army commanders, the public security leadership, the head of the Royal Court, and the prime minister. The briefing of the security report would include an explanation of the security situation and any external or internal challenges.

 


Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Mystery Sniper Killed Wasfi Tal

Ahmad Obeidat during the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat's Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel in Amman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Ahmad Obeidat during the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat's Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel in Amman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Mystery Sniper Killed Wasfi Tal

Ahmad Obeidat during the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat's Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel in Amman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Ahmad Obeidat during the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat's Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel in Amman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Former Jordanian Prime Minister Ahmad Obeidat, who died earlier this month, was both a key player and a witness to sensitive chapters in his country’s history.

Obeidat began his career in the 1970s as an assistant director of intelligence, later serving as head of the General Intelligence Department until 1982. At the height of the Palestinian-Jordanian confrontation, he was abducted by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine before the events of September 1970.

He also served for two years as interior minister before King Hussein appointed him prime minister in early 1984, a post he held until April 1985, concurrently serving as defense minister.

For more than 15 years, Obeidat remained at the center of decision-making. He later took on roles drawing on his legal background, from chairing the Royal Commission that drafted the National Charter in the early 1990s to serving in human rights and judicial positions, most recently as head of the board of trustees of the National Center for Human Rights until 2008.

Weeks before Oct. 7, 2023, the day of the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation, Asharq Al-Awsat met Obeidat in Amman. The interview had been scheduled for publication in October 2023, but the major developments that followed led to its postponement, particularly as Obeidat addressed contentious issues, notably Jordanian-Palestinian relations.

In the first part of the interview, Obeidat revisits his formative years, when his political and professional journey began as a law student in Baghdad on the eve of the July 14, 1958 revolution, before returning to Iraq after the fall of the monarchy amid sweeping regional transformations.

The account moves to his early professional life in Jordan, from a brief stint in legal practice to joining the Public Security Directorate, then serving in the Political Investigations Office, which formed the nucleus of organized intelligence work. It concludes with a detailed narrative of the establishment of the General Intelligence Department in 1964, its early structure and founding members, at a time when the Jordanian state was rebuilding its institutions in an intensely turbulent region.

Asked where he was when the 1958 revolution broke out in Iraq, Obeidat said he had completed his first year in law studies and returned to Jordan for the summer break.

“While I was in Irbid, news arrived of the July 14 revolution in Iraq that overthrew the monarchy. After the summer break ended, I went back to Baghdad, where a republican government under Abdul Karim Qassem had taken power,” he recalled.

The return was not easy. “We faced difficulties on the road. The border between Jordan and Iraq was nearly closed, so we had to return via Damascus and then through desert routes to Baghdad. It was an exhausting journey,” he added.

Obeidat left Baghdad in 1961 after completing his final exams. “On the last day of exams in the fourth year, I went home, packed and returned to Jordan the same day. The border between Baghdad and Amman had reopened.”

Among his contemporaries at law school was Saddam Hussein, who studied in the evening section. Obeidat said he saw him only once by chance. “He was with others, one of whom later became a governor,” he revealed.

He returned to Baghdad again in 1983 as Jordan’s interior minister to attend a conference of Arab interior ministers, more than two decades after graduating. There, he met his Iraqi counterpart, Saadoun Shaker. “It was an ordinary relationship,” Obeidat said, describing the ties as largely ceremonial.

From customs to intelligence

After returning to Jordan in 1961, Obeidat initially considered practicing law. But limited opportunities in Irbid and his family’s financial constraints led him to seek public employment.

He was appointed to the Customs Department in Amman, where he worked for several months before joining the Public Security Directorate in April 1962 as a first lieutenant following three months of training at the police academy.

At the time, there was no separate intelligence agency. Public Security included a branch handling general investigations. Soon after, the Political Investigations Office was formed, staffed by legal officers from the army and Public Security, including Mudar Badran and Adeeb Tahaoub from military justice, alongside Obeidat and Tariq Alaaeddin from Public Security.

The office handled cases referred by security and official bodies, including military intelligence and the Royal Court. After reviewing its work, the late King Hussein ordered the establishment of a legally grounded intelligence body. The General Intelligence Law was issued in 1964, formally creating the department, explained Obeidat.

Mohammad Rasoul Al-Kilani became its first director, followed by Mudar Badran, then Nadhir Rashid. Al-Kilani briefly returned before Obeidat assumed the post, succeeded later by Tariq Alaaeddin.

The shock of 1967

Recalling the 1967 war, Obeidat described it as “a defeat, not a setback. A military, political, psychological, and social defeat in every sense.”

He said there was no institutional intelligence view on Jordan’s participation. “The political opinion of a figure of Wasfi Tal’s stature was that entering the 1967 war was a mistake. He was not in office, but he remained close to the king and influential,” said Obeidat.

According to Obeidat, King Hussein believed Israel would occupy the West Bank whether Jordan participated or not.

“Participation was a gamble that might succeed or fail. The catastrophe was discovering that the Egyptian air force had been destroyed within half an hour,” he added.

Despite the bitterness, he said: “We did not fear for the regime, but we sought to contain public anger and absorb the shock.”

September and the assassination of Wasfi Tal

Obeidat first met Yasser Arafat after the events of September 1970. He confirmed that Arafat left Amman with an official Arab delegation to attend the Cairo summit and returned immediately afterward.

He recalled being informed mid-flight of the death of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. “King Hussein was deeply affected.”

On the assassination of Prime Minister Wasfi Tal in Cairo, Obeidat said the gunmen who confronted Tal at the hotel entrance were not responsible for the fatal shot. “The fatal bullet came from behind, from a sniper in another unseen location. To this day, the sniper has not been identified,” he added.

He rejected the notion that Tal had been reckless. “Wasfi was not a gambler. He had a distinct political project,” he stressed.

Obeidat said the Black September Organization accused Tal of ordering the expulsion of fedayeen from forested areas in Jerash and Ajloun. He denied that Tal was directly responsible, saying the clashes began after fedayeen attacked a police station and killed officers, prompting a spontaneous army response.

Abduction without interrogation

Before September 1970, Obeidat was abducted by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine while serving as assistant intelligence director.

Armed vehicles stopped his car as he was leaving his home in Jabal Al-Taj with his family. He and his brother-in-law were taken to the Wehdat camp. “We were treated politely. We drank tea. No one asked me a single question,” he recalled.

After several hours, he was driven to another house in Amman and later returned home. The next morning, members of Fatah took him briefly to one of their offices, only to release him on foot without explanation.

“Not a single question was asked,” Obeidat said. “It was bewildering.”

He resumed his duties after ensuring his family’s safety. “At the time, intelligence, like any official institution, was threatened and targeted,” he said, reflecting on one of the most volatile periods in Jordan’s modern history.


Microsoft Saudi Head Affirms Kingdom Entering AI Execution Phase

Saudi Arabia shifts from AI pilots to live deployment in key sectors (Shutterstock)
Saudi Arabia shifts from AI pilots to live deployment in key sectors (Shutterstock)
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Microsoft Saudi Head Affirms Kingdom Entering AI Execution Phase

Saudi Arabia shifts from AI pilots to live deployment in key sectors (Shutterstock)
Saudi Arabia shifts from AI pilots to live deployment in key sectors (Shutterstock)

Riyadh’s hosting of the Microsoft AI Tour this week delivered a headline with concrete weight: customers will be able to run cloud workloads from a local Azure data center region starting in the fourth quarter of 2026.

The announcement was more than a technical update. It marked a shift in posture. Saudi Arabia is no longer testing artificial intelligence at the margins. It is moving decisively into execution, where infrastructure, governance, skills development, and enterprise adoption align in a single direction.

For Turki Badhris, president of Microsoft Saudi Arabia, the timing reflects years of groundwork rather than a sudden push.

“Confirming that customers will be able to run cloud workloads from the Azure data center region in the fourth quarter of 2026 gives organizations clarity and confidence as they plan their digital and AI journeys,” Badhris told Asharq Al-Awsat on the sidelines of the event.

“Clarity and confidence” may sound procedural, but they are strategic variables. Government entities and large corporations do not scale AI based solely on pilot projects.

They move when they are assured that local infrastructure is available, regulatory requirements are aligned, and long-term operational continuity is secured. The announcement of the new Azure region signals that the infrastructure layer is no longer a plan, but a scheduled commitment nearing implementation.

From pilots to production

Saudi Arabia’s AI story has unfolded in phases. The first focused on expanding digital infrastructure, developing regulatory frameworks, and strengthening cloud readiness. That phase built capacity. The current phase centers on activation and use.

Badhris said the conversation has already shifted. “We are working closely across the Kingdom with government entities, enterprises, and partners to support readiness, from data modernization and governance to skills development so that customers can move from experimentation to production with confidence.”

The distinction is fundamental. Pilots test potential. Production environments reshape workflows.

Companies such as Qiddiya Investment Company and ACWA Power illustrate that transition. Rather than treating AI as isolated pilot initiatives, these organizations are embedding it into daily operations.

ACWA Power is using Azure AI services and the Intelligent Data Platform to optimize energy and water operations globally, with a strong focus on sustainability and resource efficiency through predictive maintenance and AI-driven optimization.

Qiddiya has expanded its use of Microsoft 365 Copilot to enable employees to summarize communications, analyze data, and interact with dashboards across hundreds of assets and contractors.

AI is no longer operating at the margins of the enterprise. It is becoming part of the operating core, a sign of institutional maturity. The technology is shifting from showcase tool to productivity engine.

Infrastructure as strategic signal

The Azure data center region in eastern Saudi Arabia offers advantages that go beyond lower latency. It strengthens data residency, supports compliance requirements, and reinforces digital sovereignty frameworks.

In highly regulated sectors such as finance, health care, energy, and government services, alignment with regulatory requirements is not optional; it is essential.

Badhris described the milestone as part of a long-term commitment. “This achievement represents an important milestone in our long-term commitment to enable real and scalable impact for the public and private sectors in the Kingdom,” he said.

The emphasis on scalable impact reflects a more profound understanding: infrastructure does not create value on its own, but enables the conditions for value creation. Saudi Arabia is treating AI as core economic infrastructure, comparable to energy or transport networks, and is using it to form the foundation for productivity gains.

Governance as accelerator

Globally, AI regulation is often seen as a constraint. In the Saudi case, governance appears embedded in the acceleration strategy. Adoption in sensitive sectors requires clear trust frameworks. Compliance cannot be an afterthought; it must be built into design.

Aligning cloud services with national digital sovereignty requirements reduces friction at scale. When organizations trust that compliance is integrated into the platform itself, expansion decisions move faster. In that sense, governance becomes an enabler.

The invisible constraint

While generative AI dominates headlines, the larger institutional challenge often lies in data architecture. Fragmented systems, organizational silos, and the absence of unified governance can hinder scaling.

Saudi Arabia's strategy focuses on data modernization as a foundation. A structured and integrated data environment is a prerequisite for effective AI use. Without it, AI remains superficial.

Another global challenge is the skills gap. Saudi Arabia has committed to training three million people by 2030. The focus extends beyond awareness to practical application. Transformation cannot succeed without human capital capable of integrating AI into workflows.

Badhris underscored that skills development is part of a broader readiness ecosystem. Competitiveness in the AI era, he said, is measured not only by model capability but by the workforce’s ability to deploy it.

Sector transformation as economic strategy

The Riyadh AI Tour highlighted sector use cases in energy, giga projects, and government services. These are not peripheral applications but pillars of Vision 2030. AI’s role in optimizing energy management supports sustainability. In major projects, it enhances execution efficiency. In government services, it improves the citizen experience.

AI here is not a standalone industry but a horizontal productivity driver.

Positioning in the global landscape

Global AI leadership is typically measured across four pillars: compute capacity, governance, ecosystem integration, and skills readiness. Saudi Arabia is moving to align these elements simultaneously.

The new Azure region provides computing. Regulatory frameworks strengthen trust. Partnerships support ecosystem integration. Training programs raise skills readiness.

Saudi Arabia is entering a decisive stage in its AI trajectory. Infrastructure is confirmed. Enterprise use cases are expanding. Governance is embedded. Skills are advancing.

Badhris said the announcement gives institutions “clarity and confidence” to plan their journey. That clarity may mark the difference between ambition and execution. In that sense, the Microsoft tour in Riyadh signaled that infrastructure is no longer the objective, but the platform on which transformation is built.