Damascus Bids Farewell to Quwatli’s ‘Secret- Keeper’, Witness to All of Syria’s Revolts

Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
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Damascus Bids Farewell to Quwatli’s ‘Secret- Keeper’, Witness to All of Syria’s Revolts

Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)

Abdullah al-Khani, one of Syria’s top diplomats and witness to decades of revolts in the country, was laid to rest in a quiet ceremony in Damascus’ Bab el Saghir Cemetery. Khani lived through various upheaval at the presidential palace, from the time of Shukri al-Quwatli to Hafez al-Assad to his son, Bashar.

Khani passed away at 98 and was known as Quwatli’s “secret-keeper” and oversaw the transfer of power to him from Hashem al-Atassi in the mid-1950s.

Khani was born in 1922 and was a classmate to famed late poet Nizar Qabbani. He pursued his studies at the American University of Beirut before completing his education at Damascus University, where he earned a degree in law. He was later employed at Naim al-Antaki’s firm. Antaki would become one of the symbols of the national movement in Syria.

On April 17, 1946, Khani witnessed the evacuation of the last remaining French troops from Syria, marking the end of its mandate over the country. He attended a military ceremony for Syrian cavalry on the banks of Barada River and leaders of the “revolt”, who held aloft a large poster of late Defense Minister Yusuf al-Azma.

The next year, Khani started working for Quwatli at the recommendation of Damascus University President Sami al-Midani. Quwatli requested that Khani monitor the United Nations Security Council discussions on the division of Palestine due his proficiency in English, which he learned during his years at AUB.

In eulogizing Khani, historian Sami Moubayed wrote: “Quwatli liked him and wanted to keep him by his side. He could not find a vacancy for him at the presidential palace, so he asked him to wait a little. It was during this time that he forged a strong relationship with Quwatli, who came to heavily rely on Khani in managing the palace affairs, especially the press office.”

Khani would show up to work dressed in his white suit, to either climb up the steps of the Grand Serail or enter the Tishreen Palace to greet his mentor and friend, President Quwatli.

After Quwatli’s ouster in 1949, the presidential palace was ordered shut by leader of the revolt, Husni al-Za'im. Khani would come to work for President Adib al-Shishakli, who sent him to France to learn about the republican system under Charles de Gaulle. He also traveled to Britain to learn about its monarchy.

Khani rose up the ranks and became chief of protocols and then acting general secretary under President Hashem al-Atassi, who “trusted him very much due to his dedication to his work.”

Quwatli was reelected president in 1955 and Khani was in charge of managing the transition from Atassi. Khani took part in meetings between Quwatli and world leaders, including Jordan’s King Hussein, Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser, India’s Jawaharlal Nehru and form UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld. He also took part in negotiations on Syrian-Egyptian unity in 1958 and was there for the declaration of the United Arab Republic.

At the Foreign Ministry, Khani served in various diplomatic posts in Brussels, London and Paris, where he worked at UNESCO and met with several world leaders. Among them were India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, De Gaulle and Yugoslavia’s President Josip Tito.

He joined the permanent Syrian delegation to the UN during the 1967 war and was appointed general secretary of the Foreign Ministry in 1969, according to his Wikipedia page. Khani became aide to the foreign minister when Hafez Assad came to power in 1971. He took part in meetings between Assad and US President Richard Nixon in Damascus in 1974 and Jimmy Carter in Geneva in 1977.

Assad would later order Khani to set up the Ministry of Tourism and he would later be named its first minister in the government of Prime Minister Mahmoud al-Ayyubi in 1972. He would remain in the post until 1976. His tenure would witness the eruption of the October War in 1973 and the opening of some of the most important western hotels in Damascus.

In 1980, Khani was elected a member of the International Court of Justice before joining the International Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce in Paris in 1990. He was elected an independent member of the Court of Arbitration for Sport. He was a judge at the Olympic Games in Atlanta in 1996. In 1993, he was named a member of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was also member of the team tasked with drafting a constitution for Sarajevo.

Historian Moubayed wrote that during the past ten years, Khani would look up to the Damascus sky with deep sorrow and pain as the columns of dark smoke billowed around it, recalling that the Syrian war had “caused his mind and heart profound anguish.”



Iranians Struggle with GPS Disruption After Israel War

Iranians shop in the Grand Bazaar in Tehran on August 13, 2025. (AFP)
Iranians shop in the Grand Bazaar in Tehran on August 13, 2025. (AFP)
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Iranians Struggle with GPS Disruption After Israel War

Iranians shop in the Grand Bazaar in Tehran on August 13, 2025. (AFP)
Iranians shop in the Grand Bazaar in Tehran on August 13, 2025. (AFP)

The streets of Tehran have become a confusing maze for driver Farshad Fooladi amid widespread GPS disruption, still ongoing nearly two months after the end of Iran and Israel's unprecedented 12-day war.

"For weeks I have been unable to work," said Fooladi, who uses Iran's homegrown ride-hailing app Snapp to find customers. "Most of the time was wasted wandering around aimlessly," the 35-year-old Iranian driver added.

Unprecedented disruption has plagued users of GPS, which stands for Global Positioning System, in Iran since Israel's surprise attack in mid-June which triggered a deadly 12-day war.

Iran's communications ministry has said the disruptions were necessary for "security and military purposes", without giving further explanation.

Missiles, drones and rockets often use GPS or other similar technologies, which involve triangulating signals from multiple satellites, to find their targets.

Iran has long employed GPS jamming and spoofing around sensitive military sites but the recent disruptions have been the most sustained and widespread.

It remains unclear how long the measures will last or how much damage they have caused to Iranian businesses.

Ride-hailing apps, delivery platforms, and even basic mapping services like Google Maps and its Iranian equivalent Neshan have buckled under the interference.

In many areas, especially around Tehran, users often spot themselves on the maps hundreds of kilometers away from their actual locations.

"To get around, you either need a sharp memory for routes or already know the city well," Fooladi said.

But the driver, originally from the western Lorestan province and less familiar with the capital's winding backstreets, frequently finds himself running into dead ends.

"I only pick up passengers who know the directions, " he said, adding the strategy had severely cut his income.

In early August, the chief executive of the Neshan mapping app, Javad Amel, said in a video interview that daily disruptions through GPS spoofing had been ongoing for years, especially in Tehran.

But he explained in recent weeks that Neshan's daily active users "had dropped by 15 percent, while navigation activity on the app fell by 20 percent".

The continued disruption has heightened fears of a deepening economic crisis among Iranians.

The country's economy is already struggling under the weight of decades of international sanctions and mismanagement, compounded by the revival of US President Donald Trump's "maximum pressure" campaign earlier this year.

Nuclear talks with Washington, which began in April, have also stalled since the United States joined its ally Israel to strike Iranian nuclear sites in June.

"This war has upended our lives and frozen our future plans," said Fooladi.

In a report last week, the Khabar Online news agency warned against the disruption of GPS, saying it caused "collateral damage" to the digital economy and public safety, including delays to emergency services.

Former communications minister Mohammad Javad Azari Jahromi argued the disruption was costly and would likely have limited defensive results.

"Drone manufacturers and operators are not stupid either. If the GPS is disrupted and another positioning system replaces it, they will also use the new system," Jahromi said according to his Telegram channel.

With the significant impact on civilian lives, deputy communications minister Ehsan Chitsaz suggested that Iran could consider alternatives to GPS.

"Disruptions are created by domestic systems on GPS, and this has pushed us toward alternative options such as BeiDou," he told Iranian daily Ham Mihan in July.

The Chinese satellite system BeiDou, fully operational since 2020, is emerging as a global rival to the US-built and operated GPS.

Chitsaz said Iran was "drafting a program" so some of the country's location-based services for transport, agriculture could "gradually migrate from GPS to BeiDou".

He acknowledged disruptions in Iran, coupled with years-long internet restrictions, have damaged businesses and created "social distrust and despair".

But experts say that replacing GPS would be complex.

"Doing so would require extensive and costly infrastructure changes," said Amir Rashidi of the US-based Miaan group, adding that Iran is currently "highly vulnerable in cyberspace".

Many in Iran believe that another confrontation with Israel is on the horizon as Israel and the United States continue to threaten attacks if Iran restarts its nuclear program, which has been on hold since the war.

"Everything is uncertain, and we can't plan. The future is unclear," said Mohammad Hossein Ghanbari, a 32-year-old Snapp driver.

"We don't know whether the war will break out again or what will happen next."