Damascus Bids Farewell to Quwatli’s ‘Secret- Keeper’, Witness to All of Syria’s Revolts

Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
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Damascus Bids Farewell to Quwatli’s ‘Secret- Keeper’, Witness to All of Syria’s Revolts

Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)

Abdullah al-Khani, one of Syria’s top diplomats and witness to decades of revolts in the country, was laid to rest in a quiet ceremony in Damascus’ Bab el Saghir Cemetery. Khani lived through various upheaval at the presidential palace, from the time of Shukri al-Quwatli to Hafez al-Assad to his son, Bashar.

Khani passed away at 98 and was known as Quwatli’s “secret-keeper” and oversaw the transfer of power to him from Hashem al-Atassi in the mid-1950s.

Khani was born in 1922 and was a classmate to famed late poet Nizar Qabbani. He pursued his studies at the American University of Beirut before completing his education at Damascus University, where he earned a degree in law. He was later employed at Naim al-Antaki’s firm. Antaki would become one of the symbols of the national movement in Syria.

On April 17, 1946, Khani witnessed the evacuation of the last remaining French troops from Syria, marking the end of its mandate over the country. He attended a military ceremony for Syrian cavalry on the banks of Barada River and leaders of the “revolt”, who held aloft a large poster of late Defense Minister Yusuf al-Azma.

The next year, Khani started working for Quwatli at the recommendation of Damascus University President Sami al-Midani. Quwatli requested that Khani monitor the United Nations Security Council discussions on the division of Palestine due his proficiency in English, which he learned during his years at AUB.

In eulogizing Khani, historian Sami Moubayed wrote: “Quwatli liked him and wanted to keep him by his side. He could not find a vacancy for him at the presidential palace, so he asked him to wait a little. It was during this time that he forged a strong relationship with Quwatli, who came to heavily rely on Khani in managing the palace affairs, especially the press office.”

Khani would show up to work dressed in his white suit, to either climb up the steps of the Grand Serail or enter the Tishreen Palace to greet his mentor and friend, President Quwatli.

After Quwatli’s ouster in 1949, the presidential palace was ordered shut by leader of the revolt, Husni al-Za'im. Khani would come to work for President Adib al-Shishakli, who sent him to France to learn about the republican system under Charles de Gaulle. He also traveled to Britain to learn about its monarchy.

Khani rose up the ranks and became chief of protocols and then acting general secretary under President Hashem al-Atassi, who “trusted him very much due to his dedication to his work.”

Quwatli was reelected president in 1955 and Khani was in charge of managing the transition from Atassi. Khani took part in meetings between Quwatli and world leaders, including Jordan’s King Hussein, Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser, India’s Jawaharlal Nehru and form UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld. He also took part in negotiations on Syrian-Egyptian unity in 1958 and was there for the declaration of the United Arab Republic.

At the Foreign Ministry, Khani served in various diplomatic posts in Brussels, London and Paris, where he worked at UNESCO and met with several world leaders. Among them were India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, De Gaulle and Yugoslavia’s President Josip Tito.

He joined the permanent Syrian delegation to the UN during the 1967 war and was appointed general secretary of the Foreign Ministry in 1969, according to his Wikipedia page. Khani became aide to the foreign minister when Hafez Assad came to power in 1971. He took part in meetings between Assad and US President Richard Nixon in Damascus in 1974 and Jimmy Carter in Geneva in 1977.

Assad would later order Khani to set up the Ministry of Tourism and he would later be named its first minister in the government of Prime Minister Mahmoud al-Ayyubi in 1972. He would remain in the post until 1976. His tenure would witness the eruption of the October War in 1973 and the opening of some of the most important western hotels in Damascus.

In 1980, Khani was elected a member of the International Court of Justice before joining the International Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce in Paris in 1990. He was elected an independent member of the Court of Arbitration for Sport. He was a judge at the Olympic Games in Atlanta in 1996. In 1993, he was named a member of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was also member of the team tasked with drafting a constitution for Sarajevo.

Historian Moubayed wrote that during the past ten years, Khani would look up to the Damascus sky with deep sorrow and pain as the columns of dark smoke billowed around it, recalling that the Syrian war had “caused his mind and heart profound anguish.”



What Does a ‘Blockade of the Blockade’ in the Strait of Hormuz Mean?

Ships and a boat in the Strait of Hormuz on April 12, 2026 (Reuters)
Ships and a boat in the Strait of Hormuz on April 12, 2026 (Reuters)
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What Does a ‘Blockade of the Blockade’ in the Strait of Hormuz Mean?

Ships and a boat in the Strait of Hormuz on April 12, 2026 (Reuters)
Ships and a boat in the Strait of Hormuz on April 12, 2026 (Reuters)

When Iran moved to close the Strait of Hormuz, it did not physically seal the waterway — for example, by fully mining it. Instead, it barred ships and oil tankers belonging to Gulf littoral states, as well as vessels from countries it considers adversaries, chiefly the United States and Israel, from transiting the strait.

At the same time, Tehran allowed its own tankers to pass, maintaining exports of about 1.5 million barrels per day to global markets.

In effect, Iran imposed a selective blockade on the Strait of Hormuz, closing it to much of the world while keeping it open for its own trade.

By contrast, US President Donald Trump’s proposal to impose a naval blockade on the strait and all Iranian ports would amount to a “blockade of the blockade.” Such a move would deny Iran access to the waterway altogether, halting both its oil and non-oil exports and dealing a severe blow to its economy.

Iran’s Gains and Losses

Oil prices surged after traffic through the strait was disrupted, rising from about $75–$80 a barrel before the February conflict to roughly $120–$126 at peak wartime levels.

With exports of around 1.5 million barrels per day, Iran is estimated to have earned an additional $60 million a day from higher prices. However, because about 90 percent of its crude is sold to China at discounted rates, the net additional gain is likely closer to $45 million a day.

These figures reflect incremental revenue. At an assumed average price of $100 a barrel, Iran’s total oil income would reach roughly $150 million a day, or about $4.5 billion a month, revenues that would be cut off under a full naval blockade.

Such a “blockade of the blockade” would likely push oil prices even higher. But its impact would extend beyond Iran. China, which buys the bulk of Iranian crude, would be among the most affected.

According to Pakistani diplomatic sources, Beijing played a key role in persuading Tehran at the last minute to accept a two-week truce announced on April 7 by Donald Trump. Some analysts believe that if China’s energy supplies are threatened, it could again press Iran to make concessions in talks with Washington aimed at ending the conflict.

Rerouting Shipping Traffic

Iran’s restrictions did more than limit access; they reshaped how ships moved through the strait.

Rather than formally altering internationally recognized shipping lanes, Iran imposed operational controls that effectively redirected maritime traffic. Vessels permitted to transit were steered toward routes closer to Iran’s coastline, particularly between Qeshm and Larak islands, instead of the traditional channels running between Abu Musa and the Greater and Lesser Tunb islands.

This shift created a de facto controlled corridor near Iranian shores without any formal declaration of new navigation routes.

In many cases, passage became contingent on prior coordination with Iranian authorities, permits, or even transit fees, marking a sharp departure from the previously unrestricted flow of traffic.

Iran has allowed “friendly” or neutral vessels to pass under certain conditions, while blocking those it deems hostile. It has also deployed drones, naval mines and fast attack craft to monitor and, when necessary, intercept ships that fail to comply.

The risks have forced many shipping companies to reroute vessels around the Cape of Good Hope or adopt longer, more secure paths, including routes closer to Iranian-controlled waters.

Before the conflict, roughly 130 to 150 ships transited the Strait of Hormuz each day. During the crisis, that number dropped sharply to about five vessels, or fewer, a day.


Baby Born in Tent on a Beirut Roadside Struggles to Survive, Her Family Displaced by War

Haifa Kenjo, who fled Israeli airstrikes on the southern suburbs of Beirut, holds her 15-day-old daughter Shiman inside the tent she uses as a shelter and where she gave birth to her in Beirut, Sunday, April 12, 2026. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)
Haifa Kenjo, who fled Israeli airstrikes on the southern suburbs of Beirut, holds her 15-day-old daughter Shiman inside the tent she uses as a shelter and where she gave birth to her in Beirut, Sunday, April 12, 2026. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)
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Baby Born in Tent on a Beirut Roadside Struggles to Survive, Her Family Displaced by War

Haifa Kenjo, who fled Israeli airstrikes on the southern suburbs of Beirut, holds her 15-day-old daughter Shiman inside the tent she uses as a shelter and where she gave birth to her in Beirut, Sunday, April 12, 2026. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)
Haifa Kenjo, who fled Israeli airstrikes on the southern suburbs of Beirut, holds her 15-day-old daughter Shiman inside the tent she uses as a shelter and where she gave birth to her in Beirut, Sunday, April 12, 2026. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)

All that newborn Shiman knows of the world is a flimsy tent along Beirut’s waterfront — the stench of mildewed blankets, stings of swarming insects and screams of Israeli warplanes striking the Lebanese capital.

As of Monday, she was 16 days old after being born here in the mud, said her mother, Haifa Kenjo.

Kenjo, 34, was nine months pregnant when Israeli attacks on Beirut’s southern suburbs of Dahiyeh sent her, her husband and their 2-year-old son, Khalid, running for their lives in sandals and pajamas. They had no time to bring anything as explosions shook the house, they said — not clothes, not cash.

They took refuge in a donated tent near downtown Beirut and secured the tarp with rocks as the wind threatened to rip it from the ground.

Of the more than 1 million people uprooted in Lebanon by this latest war between Israel and the Iran-backed Hezbollah, 13,500 are pregnant and more than 1,500 are expected to deliver in the next month, the United Nations’ sexual and reproductive health agency said this week, warning that many struggle to access adequate maternal care.

When life had been normal, Kenjo pictured giving birth at Beirut's main public hospital, where she delivered Khalid. She is originally from Syria, and although she has spent almost half her life in the Lebanese capital and married a Lebanese man, she must pay to access the country’s public hospitals, where Lebanese mothers can give birth for free.

When her water broke and she went into labor on March 28, she called an ambulance and her husband scraped together the $40 admission fee. But the $500 they needed to deliver Shiman at the hospital was buried in the ruins of their home, razed the week before in an Israeli airstrike.

They returned to the tent, called a midwife and prayed.

Umm Ali, the midwife, said she did her best, but the tent was filthy. The rain seeped inside. They washed tiny Shiman with bottled water.

Kenjo had no milk in her breasts to give her child. Infant formula costs more than her husband makes in a day installing water tanks.

She knows her baby is hungry. Volunteers passing out food in the displacement camp gave her just enough formula for the next few days.

Shiman doesn’t cry like a normal infant. She coughs. Her skin is cold and clammy, pockmarked with insect bites.

“She is so precious,” Kenjo said, stroking her baby girl. “But for her we have nothing. We have less than zero.”


Iran, Lebanon Bore Brunt of Missiles and Drones Launched During War

 People stand next to a Synagogue, which was damaged in a strike, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in Tehran, Iran, April 7, 2026. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
People stand next to a Synagogue, which was damaged in a strike, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in Tehran, Iran, April 7, 2026. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
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Iran, Lebanon Bore Brunt of Missiles and Drones Launched During War

 People stand next to a Synagogue, which was damaged in a strike, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in Tehran, Iran, April 7, 2026. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
People stand next to a Synagogue, which was damaged in a strike, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in Tehran, Iran, April 7, 2026. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

Some three-quarters of the airstrikes during the Middle East war targeted sites in Iran or Lebanon, according to an AFP analysis of data from ACLED, a non-profit that tracks political violence worldwide.

At least 7,700 strikes or series of strikes by missiles, drones, rockets or bombs, were recorded by the US-based conflict research group between the start of the war on February 28 up to April 8, when a fragile ceasefire concluded between Tehran and Washington came into effect.

ACLED collected and vetted its data from sources that it considers reliable, such as news reports, social networks, institutions, and other NGOs.

This count, which includes attacks that were intercepted, cannot be considered an exhaustive list from the conflict.

- Iran -

Approximately four out of 10 recorded attacks targeted Iran, mostly attributed to the Israeli military, According to AFP's analysis, in only a third of the cases could the target be identified as military or linked to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the regime's ideological army.

A third of the attacks had no identified target. April 6 and 7 -- the two days preceding the ceasefire -- saw the highest number of strikes.

- Lebanon -

Lebanon, where Israel has been conducting a campaign triggered by the Iran-backed movement Hezbollah on March 2 launching an offensive, accounted for a third of the attacks, according to ACLED data as of April 3.

The vast majority were carried out by Israeli forces, while nearly 10 percent were Hezbollah attacks against Israeli positions in the south of Lebanon.

Israel asserts the two-week ceasefire agreed between the United States and Iran does not apply to Lebanon and it has continued to bombard the country.

- Israel -

One in seven attacks targeted Israel, most of which were intercepted. The attacks were in almost equal proportions from Iran and Hezbollah.

- Other countries -

The main countries targeted by Iran were Gulf states, primarily the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain. In Iraq, 40 percent of the attacks were against Kurdish groups and 20 percent against US interests.

Qatar and Oman were targeted to a lesser extent.

In Syria, ACLED recorded approximately one hundred incidents, but these were mainly the result of Iranian missiles and drones being intercepted by Israel. Several dozen similar incidents were recorded in the West Bank and Jordan.

In Türkiye, four missile launches were intercepted by NATO to protect its Incirlik airbase, where US troops are stationed.

- Most common targets -

Israel targeted 15 bridges or their approaches in Lebanon and around 20 in Iran.

Attacks against energy infrastructure in Iran were most intense during the second and third weeks of the conflict, as well as during the week of the ceasefire announcement.

Iran's key petrochemical complex at Assalouyeh, already targeted in mid-March, was struck again on April 6 by Israel. Numerous Iranian fuel depots were also hit.

ACLED reported four strikes near Iran's only nuclear power plant, in Bushehr.

Military bases housing US personnel were targeted around 50 times in total, primarily during the first two weeks of the conflict.